Francisco del Rosario Sánchez

Juan Pablo Duarte

One day, while attending philosophy classes, he was approached by Juan Pablo Duarte, then 25 years old, who also attended these classes and was immediately intrigued by Sánchez's level of intellect. In 1838, Duarte founded the movement La Trinitaria, a nationalistic organization that intends to bring freedom to the Dominican people, who during this time were living in tyranny under Haitian rule. The main objective of this movement was to movement was to not only overthrow Haitian rule of Santo Domingo, but to establish an independent state free of foreign power. Seeing Sánchez as a perfect candidate for membership, Duarte didn't think twice before recruiting him. Sánchez had traveled to the U.S. and Europe as a young man. His vision of the cause was the typical republican goal of the Age of Enlightenment.

With his recruitment, it didn't take long for Sánchez to stand out for his industriousness and determination. Little by little, he gained a leading position in the organization, becoming a fundamental figure in the daily work to achieve the objectives that gave rise to it.[1] Eventually, not only would he prove to be a vital asset for the cause, but it would also allow him to earn Duarte's faith in him, placing his full trust on the young revolutionary.

However, the situation intensified when the new Haitian president, Charles Rivière-Herard, whom had previously allied with the Dominicans to overthrow Boyer, marched to Santo Domingo at the head of 10,000 troops to arrest the Trinitarios after discovering their plans. Learning of this action, Sanchez immediately leaves Los Llanos and heads straight for Santo Domingo, swimming across the Ozama River to notify Duarte of Herard's arrival. Unfortunately, many members of the movement, including Duarte, were arrested.

Puerta del Conde

Sánchez makes history by raising the historical 1844 independent Dominican flag.

Meeting at the house of Sánchez, on February 24, the members of La Trinitaria discussed on the plans on the uprising, which they agreed would be set for February 27. A day later, the rebels were sent to various parts of the country for the purpose of finalizing the agreements made during the meeting. In addition to Sánchez and Mella, Vicente Celestino Duarte, José Joaquín Puello, those of La Concha (Jacinto and Tomás), Juan Alejandro Acosta and many others attended that meeting. At the proposal of some of his companions, among whom were Félix Mercenario, Manuel María Valverde, Manuel Jiménez and Mariano Echavarría, it was agreed that Sánchez would preside over the Governing Board that was to direct the destinies of the nascent republic.

On the night of February 27, Sánchez and his men seized the Ozama Fortress in the capital of Santo Domingo. The Haitian garrison stationed in the city was caught by surprise, apparently betrayed by one of their sentinels, and was forced to flee the scene. After this, Sánchez marched to the tip of Puerta Del Conde. Mella, who had just arrived in the city, fired his legendary blunderbuss into the air, and at that moment, Sánchez raised the historical 1844 independent Dominican flag, shouting at the top of his lungs, the national slogan, Dios, Patria, Y Libertad, (God, Homeland, and Freedom), proclaiming to the world the birth of the new independent nation: The Dominican Republic. A new republic, now free of foreign rule, had now been born in the form of a republican and democratic government. Sánchez was just 26 years old when this took place.[6]

As agreed, his first act after declaration of independence was to take presidency of the Central Governing Board, designed to govern over the nation in the wake of its independence. The main purpose of this board was two lead the country against upcoming attacks from the Haitians, who rejected the notion of Dominican Republic being its own separate state. Sánchez was informed that during this time, Haiti was preparing for a military advancement into the country, determined to reunite the island once again. In response to this, the Central Government Board sent the generals Pedro Santana and his brother, Ramón, to the south, while Sánchez and Mella were commanded to Santiago. This attack resulted in the Battle of Azua, fought on March 19. This invasion was crushed by the Dominican army. Unfortunately, Haiti refused to give up, attacks would continue to transpire, thus precipitating into a series of invasions over the next 12 years. Sánchez ceded his position to Bobadilla after serving in office for 24 hours.

Sánchez had anticipated for his predecessors to follow Duarte's ideals to maintain an independent state free of any foreign power. But these ideas were tossed to the ground due to opposing sides who felt that the new nation was not financially and economy able to withstand on its own, especially in the wake of the upcoming threats by the Haitians. And thus, this began a new era for the Dominican Republic tainted with violent political standoffs.

For example, upon discovering Bobadilla's attempt to annex the new nation to France, Sánchez, along with Mella, led a revolt which subsequently displaced Bobadilla, and reinstalled Sánchez as president in June 1844. Simultaneously, Sánchez would be toppled in another coup d'état led by the wealthy caudillo, Pedro Santana. Santana immediately declared Sánchez, Mella, and Duarte, who had just returned to country, as traitors to the homeland and were forced into exile. This action would be the start of the fall out between the independence Trinitarios and the pro-annexation sectors of the nation.

However, tragedy struck while on board the ship, which crashed off the coast of Ireland, killing many of the people on the ship. The survivors, of which included Sánchez and Mella, found themselves in Dublin. In December 1844, they relocated to the United States, and later settling in Curaçao.

His life in Curaçao was very simple. He took a job as a teacher, where he taught Spanish and other subjects in the company of companions of his friend, Juan José Illás. This allowed him to meet Leoncia Rodríguez, a Curaçaoan woman, with whom he established a romantic relationship, thus conceiving a daughter. However, Sánchez had received the tragic news that his aunt, Maria Trinidad Sánchez, had been tortured and executed by Santana for refusing to name the conspirators against him on February 27, 1845, exactly one year after the independence from Haiti. Sanchez's elder half-brother, Andrés, Nicolás de Barías and José del Carmen Figueroa were also shot.

In 1848, Manuel Jimenes, the newly elected president, granted an amnesty which allowed the return of Sanchez and many of the exiled patriots back to the country. Sanchez returned to the Dominican Republic during a very crucial time. He had returned just in time to find that his parents, Olaya del Rosario and Narsisso Sanchez, were still alive. However, by the beginning of February 1849, Olaya del Rosario became seriously ill. Longing to enjoy her presence, both Sánchez and his father came to an agreement that her end was near. He continued to be by her side until her unfortunate death on March 2, 1849. Before her death, Sánchez reconnected with his old girlfriend, Balbina Peña, later marrying her. The two would remain wed until Sánchez's death. In addition, the widowed Narciso Sánchez would later remarry with Emelie Wincler Pitineli, a native of Curaçao, procreating María Teresa Sánchez Wincler in 1852.

On his return, Sanchez held many important positions in government. He was appointed Commander of Arms for the city of Santo Domingo by Jimenes. However, almost immediately after assuming office, Faustin Soulouque, the new ruler of Haiti, ensued a new invasion into the territory. This invasion accumulated into the Battle of Las Carreras, in which Sánchez participated with Mella, Santana, and Antonio Duvergé. Following the decisive victory of the Dominicans, Sánchez wrote a testimony, in which he writes:[8]

When the invasion of Soulouque began, I was in the capital carrying out the position of Commander of Arms. After I heard the news that the enemy had taken possession of Azua without the expected resistance being put up, seeing that General Santana was going down to the theater of war, I voluntarily asked the Minister of War to Division General Ramón Bidó was then, to replace me in the post I occupied and give me route order to leave with the troops that I could collect, to place myself at the disposal of Generals Pedro Santana and Antonio Duvergé who were the ones who they commanded the army of operations.

I left and stopped three days in San Cristobal to join the battalion of that post commanded by Commander Juan M. Albert. Not having verified the meeting of this body due to the flight from Azua, I continued my march until I reached Baní where I received a written order, from the general in chief of the army Pedro Santana, which I still have, to deliver the troops under my command to Lieutenant Colonel Dionicio Cabral, who was to lead them to Portesuelo where there was the greatest need for them. Conforming to the chief's orders as I should, I verified said delivery the same day I received the order and always continued until I reached the presence of General Santana, who was in Sabana Buey.

That same night our troops deserted the post of Number, which was Thermopylae of the Republic. General Duvergé, who had sustained a heroic combat that same day, and who was that same night in the company of General Santana, before receiving the news that the troops under his immediate command had deserted the post in his absence, can say how much I begged him to take me in his company and return to Number, whose place was at that moment the point of combat, but this warrior was broken in his health due to the fatigue of the war, and he withdrew to the town of Baní.

It was then that General Santana, apart from the salutary measures he had already taken to improve the order of the campaign, began his ingenious and happy operations on the Las Carreras field, incorporating into the army of action even his own guard for the night. Shortage of troops, and all of them headed a forced march under the command of Generals Merced Marcano, Bernardino Pérez and Abad Alfau, to conquer in the field of Las Carreras under the immediate command and in the presence of General Santana, the unfading laurels that they must crown the temples of the liberators of the Homeland.

General Ricardo Miura is dead, but General Pascual Ferré is alive, and many others who witnessed what I am going to refer to: I complained to General Santana that due to my rights of seniority, he should entrust me with the command of a division that was going to fight. I reiterated this claim, there where lies are not spoken; there where the colors of tge enemy flags could be distinguished, but General Santana answered me that he wanted me to be in his company and he repeated these same words in his memorable proclamation to the army in Las Carreras field. I remained like this for many days (barely four days had elapsed from the combat between Nùmero and Las Carreras, and Santana arrived at the latter place on the eve of the battle) until, for reasons that are not of the moment to state, I took my passport from General Santana for the capital.

On my march I stopped at Baní, and as soon as the enemy's cannonade was distinguished in this town, I prepared myself and made a countermarch early, accompanied by Colonel Tabera to rejoin General Santana, but the provisions that he had taken were so accurate that the presence of the enemy in the field and its destruction was the strike of lightning.

Sánchez even addressed to the nation, in regards to Santana's resounding victory with following:[8]

But who would believe it!They didn't even publish the reports that I gave announcing the triumph; and if they published it after weeks, devoured by a shameful envy, they maliciously concealed our name.

Serving as Public Defender, on the Court of Appeals and the Supreme Court, his most prolific case was that of Santana's case against war general Antonio Duvergé, in which took place during Santana's campaign in 1849. Although Duvergé would be acquitted, this did not ease the tension between him and Santana due to Santana's pro-annexation plans. Throughout this ordeal, Sánchez retracted his attempts to harass Santana, despite the fact that Santana had ordered his aunt and brother to be executed four years earlier. This was due to the fact that in exchange for Sánchez to be permitted to remain in the interior of the country, he was forced to agree with the prevailing conservative politics.[6]

However, relations between Sánchez and Santana reached a breaking point when Santana succeeded in expelling Buenaventura Báez from the country. This resulted into a fierce struggle between the two politicians, of which Sánchez, like Duvergé, sided with the latter. During this time, Baecism had gained the support of all those who had become adversaries to Santana's growing despotism. Báez supporters consisted mostly of young, educated people with liberal convictions from the city of Santo Domingo. To Sánchez, he saw this side much too familiar to that of his political stance, which allowed him to compromise with Báez upon realizing that Santana's authority could be questioned.[6]

Around this time, Sánchez was approached by Pedro E. Pelletier and Pedro Ramón de Mena, conspirators who organized a group seeking to overthrow Santana and reinstall Báez as president. Earlier on March 25, a rebellion that aimed to overthrow Santana failed. Apparently, Duvergé was involved in that conspiracy. As a result, Duvergé, his 23 hear old son, Tomás de la Concha, and many others were executed on Santana's orders on April 11, 1855. When this failed, Sánchez would be exiled to Curaçao for the second time. There, he established a strong relationship with Báez, who realized the importance of being supported by someone of stature such as Sánchez. He would be allowed to return in August 1856, when Santana resigned, and Manuel de Regla Mota became president.

When Baez returned to office for a second term, Sánchez prepared to support him to expel Santana's influence over the nation. However, when considered for candidacy, Sánchez rejected, believing that Baez made a better candidate. With his presidency, he appointed Sánchez as governor of the province of Santo Domingo and even Commander of Arms for the city, although Sánchez would retain this position in discreet.

Interestingly, when José María Cabral took Santana prisoner to Santo Domingo, to later deport him to Martinique, Sánchez allowed Santana to stay at his residence, and even treated him with compassion. This action was met with criticism, especially given the fact that Santana had previously exiled him twice, and even ordered the execution of his aunt and brother some 12 years earlier.

On July 7, 1857, Báez faced an uprising Santiago due to the issue of a large quantity of paper money that was used to purchase tobacco crop. This action gave an uneasy feeling to politicians in the Cibao, who felt that the government did not satisfy their interests. Over the next few days, nearly the entire nation adhered to the provisional government led by José Desiderio Valverde. But despite this, the troops were unable to attack the city.

Fortunately for Santana, this allowed him to regain his political status and even gave him the leadership that surrounded Santo Domingo, still recognizing Santana's military capacity. The siege on the city carried on for nearly a year, though Santana refrain launching a counterstrike; a large portion of the city's population were in favor, of which included Sánchez, and Cabral. Both men were placed as the city's head of defense, where each launched their own offensive methods that took them to Majorra a few days after the outbreak of the Cibaeno Revolution. He would later resign from his position and, as agreed by ability parties, he would be allowed to remain in the country without persecution. He continued his life as a lawyer, away from political affairs.

Santana is appointed as Governor-General by the Spaniards

However, it was during this period that political and economic disorder plagued the Caribbean nation. With the Dominican War of Independence coming to a close, the country had inherited a serious amount of debt due to Santana's heavy spending of the wars, as well as the bankrupted treasury left behind during Báez's time in office. Santana's misrule of the power combined with Báez corrupt regime left a devastating effect on the nation's economy. This, along with consistent fears of another attack from the Haitians, gave justification for the nation to be annexed to a foreign power.

Sánchez, who had been under surveillance for months following the revolution, was suspected of taking part of a renewed conspiracy against Santana's government, once again with the purpose of restoring the power back to Baez. Although this time, Sánchez did not take part in this group. But despite of this, however, Santana considered his overall presence as a serious threat to his administration, who during this time was currently in negotiations with Spain to re-annex the country, an act of which Santana was aware that Sánchez would've strongly opposed. Therefore, for the third and final time, in 1859, Sánchez was exiled and banished from the country, this time to Saint Thomas, where his existence was full of privations, surviving practically in a state of destitution and much of the time, battling illness. [6]

Ultimately, in 1861, Santana struck a deal with Spain to reintegrate the Dominican Republic back to colonial status in exchange for honorary privileges. Learning of this action, Sánchez was outraged and immediately took lead of the opposition to confront this. Báez, on the other hand, decided not to take part in the opposition, believing that the annexation was inevitable, and once consummated, the conflicts between the Spanish and Santana would only intensify, giving Santana more opportunities to attain commanding positions. From this moment, Sánchez severed all ties Báez, reverting him back to his Trinitario origins, giving him the renewed stature of a hero who embodied the ideals of freedom. However, Báez left his supporters free to do as they please, since he could not prevent them from taking part in stopping the annexation. In addition, Báez's lieutenants also accepted Sánchez's leadership. [6]

Returning to Curaçao, Sánchez set the structure for the purposes. He ordered a formation called the Dominican Revolutionary Board, of which his part was composed chiefly of Baecistas such as Manuel María Gautier and Valentín Ramírez Báez. The second figure of the movement was led by Cabral, who despite being a supporter of Báez, had always maintained his ideals of independence of judgment, along with liberal and national position, of which has shown through his subsequent evolution. Also on board of the movement was his old comrade and fellow Trinitario, Pedro Alejandro Piña, who had always stood firm on all national struggles. [6]

But without resources, there was little he could do. During this time, he attempted to gain support from various other countries but to no avail. Faced with no other choice, Sánchez ended up traveling to Haiti, where he asked president Fabre Geffrard for support to liberate the Dominican Republic from Spanish neocolonialism. Addressing the president, Sánchez says:[9]

President, I was the instrument used by providence in 1844 to shake Haitian domination and create an independent republic.

But, I did not do it out of hatred, some ignoble feeling or due to ideas of social concern, but because I believed that we constituted two peoples with different characters in all orders, that we are two different peoples that can form separate States, and that the island it is large and beautiful enough to be shared between us, dividing the domain of it. In addition, I in a certain way consolidate with my action the independence of Haiti, because once we achieved the success of our cause, we would celebrate a treaty that guaranteed our mutual independent life.

It would not be so, when Spain, a power of the first order, possesses the eastern part of the island with danger for you. Santana is going to annex Santo Domingo to Spain and I come to prevent this crime, preventing it, I affirm my work and guarantee yours. That is why I have come to ask you to pass the borders and resources with which to prevent the annexation that is planned to be carried out.

Although initially skeptical, he eventually agreed to give aid to the rebels due to the possibility of Spain stretching its power to the rest of the island. With this, he managed to recruit other exiled Dominicans and obtain resources to organize a force of 500 men. This expedition would later be referred to as the Dominican Regeneration Movement.

Before entering the Dominican Republic, he published his final manifesto on January 20, 1861.[10] In it, he addressed a proclamation to the Dominican people, denouncing Santana's actions, his firm stance to combat the Spanish invasion, and his plans to enter the country from Haiti:

Only Santana, the traitor of excellence, the murderer by instinct, the eternal enemy of our liberties, the one who has taken over the Republic, is the one who has in interest in this shameful traffic; he is only capable of putting it into effect to save himself from his wickedness; he is only responsible and a criminal against the country.

The despot Pedro Santana, the enemy of our liberties, the plagiarist of all tyrants, the scandal of civilization, wants to eternalize his name and seal our disgrace forever, with an almost new crime in history. This crime is the death of the country. The Republic is sold abroad and the pavilion of the cross, very soon, will no longer tremble over your citadels.

I have believed that I am fulfilling a sacred duty, putting myself at the forefront of the reaction that prevents the execution of such criminal projects and you must conceive, of course, that in this revolutionary movement, neither your independence nor your freedoms are at risk when it is organized by the instrument of that providence was used to hoist the first Dominican flag.

I have entered through Haiti because I cannot do it anywhere else, thus demanding, in addition, the good combination, and because I am convinced that this Republic, with whom yesterday when it was an empire, we fought for our nationality, It is today as determined as we are that we preserve it thanks to the policy of a republican cabinet, wise and fair.

Moreover, if the slander seeks pretexts to sully my conduct, you will respond to any charge, saying out loud, although without boasting, that I am the Dominican Flag.

Down with Santana! Long live the Dominican Republic! Long live freedom!

Live the independence!

In another letter, written to Damián Báez, on January 16, four days earlier, Sánchez firmly asserts:

My country is sold. This is enough.

With his mission now set, Sánchez returned to Saint Thomas, while his followers congregated in Haiti, coming from Saint Thomas to Curaçao. His plans also won support from Dominican soldiers who had arrived in Haiti a short time before, such as Domingo Ramírez and Fernando Tabera. The Baecista leaders, however, preferred to remain in Port-au-Prince. [6]

Statue of Sánchez at the Altar de la Patria

Sánchez's legacy is forever engraved into the memory of the Dominican Republic. His contributions to politics, nationalism, and ideals of an independent Dominican state marked him as a true icon for the nation. Some historians have credited him as the true father of the nation due to his status as the leader of the independence movement following Duarte's exile in Venezuela. Many Dominicans even consider him to be the strongest of the founding fathers. Brave, honest, bold, and brash, Sánchez's qualities set him apart from many patricians, making the honorable act of sacrificing his life for the nation.

• He is entombed in a mausoleum, Altar de la Patria, at the Count's Gate (Puerta del Conde) alongside Duarte and Mella, at the location of the start of the War of Independence.
• In the province of Samaná, the city of Sánchez is named in his honor.
• Many schools in the Dominican Republic are named in his honor.
• Streets in many parts of the Dominican Republic are named after him.
• A neighborhood in Santiago de Los Caballeros is named in his honor.
• In San Juan de la Maguana, (in the province of present-day San Juan), the location where Sánchez was executed, a park is named after him along with a memorial statue dedicated to his legacy.
• Sánchez is solely depicted on the 5 Dominican peso note and coin; he is also depicted on the 100 Dominican peso note alongside Duarte and Mella.
• A national anthem titled "Himno a Francisco del Rosario Sánchez" is dedicated to his legacy.

• History of the Dominican Republic
• President of the Dominican Republic
• España Boba
• Haitian occupation of Santo Domingo
• Dominican War of Independence
• Spanish occupation of the Dominican Republic
• Dominican Restoration War
• Juan Pablo Duarte
• Matías Ramón Mella
• Socorro Sánchez del Rosario
• María Trinidad Sánchez
• Pedro Santana
• Tomás Bobadilla
• Buenaventura Báez
• José María Cabral
• Gregorio Luperon