Ioan Caragea

According to various accounts, the Karatzas family originated in the Republic of Ragusa, the Beylik of Karaman, or the Despotate of Epirus.[1] The name is Turkic and means "roe",[2] being read by Romanian scholar Nicolae Iorga as an indication of the Karatzas' "Asiatic origin".[3] Ioan's great-grandson, Constantin Jean Karadja, proposed that the first family was first attested in the 11th century when an Argyros Karatzas served the Byzantine Empire as Duke of Dyrrhachium. He sees this and other early Karatzas as Hellenized Pechenegs.[4] Supporting the Epirote or generically Greek hypothesis, authors such as Panagiotis Soutsos[5] and Epaminonda Stamatiade[6] believe that they acquired their aristocratic rank and surname while serving in the Crimean Khanate. The clan was attested within the Phanariote community during the mid 16th century; shortly after, their careers became intertwined with the history of the Danubian Principalities, Wallachia and Moldavia—both of which were tribute-paying vassals of the Ottomans. In the 1560s, when one of Constantine Karatzas' daughters married an Ottoman potentate, Skarlatos "Iskerlet" Beylicci, she signalled the family's political ascent; a century later, Constantine's descendant, Costache Caragea, was serving as Postelnic in Moldavia. He is the common ancestor of all Wallachian Carageas.[7]

The future Ioan Caragea was the son of Great Dragoman Georgios Karatzas (1697–1780), and had an uncle, Nicholas, who preceded him as both Great Dragoman (1777–1782) and Wallachian Prince (1782); another uncle, Joannicius, was Patriarch of Constantinople in 1761–1763.[8] According to Prussian consular reports, Nicholas, ultimately sacked by the Ottomans for "having neglected the upkeep of bridges throughout Wallachia",[9] was somewhat supportive of reestablishing the Greek empire. This stance seeped into his translations from Choiseul-Gouffier, which were regarded with suspicion by the Sublime Porte.[10]

Born in Istanbul in 1754, Ioan had two brothers, Constantine and Skarlatos, and a sister, Eleni.[11] Their mother Sultana was a Mavrocordatos; through her, Ioan was the grandson of John II Mavrocordatos, who served as Moldavian Prince in the 1740s, and uncle of Alexandros Mavrokordatos.[12] Little is known about Ioan himself before the age of 54 when he took over as Great Dragoman (1807–1808); an oil portrait, probably done in 1795 (four years after Nicholas' death) shows him wearing the clothes of a high Ottoman dignitary, though it remains unclear whether he actually held any offices at that time.[13] He first came into contact with military and political figures of the Habsburg monarchy during the preceding Habsburg–Ottoman War, when he served as a translator for armistice negotiations in Giurgiu (September 1790); in early 1792, he visited Prussia and performed similar duties.[14]

Historian Arnold Winckler describes Caragea as the secretary to Dragoman Constantine Ypsilantis, noting that this position brought Caragea into contact with a diplomatic agent of the Habsburgs, Franz von Fleischhackl.[15] 21st-century archival research has uncovered Caragea's contribution as a translator of Enlightenment poetry: by 1800, he had produced manuscript versions of Demofonte, Ipermestra, and L'isola disabitata.[16] He married Eleni Skanavi, the daughter of a banker,[17] whose aunt was the wife of Nicholas Mavrogenes (Prince of Wallachia in 1786–1789).[18] The couple had five children. The best known among them is Princess Rallou, born in 1799 at Istanbul,[19] who married Georgios Argyropoulos (or Arghiropol); another daughter, Roxani or Roxandra, was the wife of Michael Soutzos, while the youngest, Smaragda, married Spyridon Demetrios Mavrogenis; Ioan and Eleni's two sons were called Georgios and Konstantinos (the latter of whom was born "around 1799").[20]

The Karatzas' political triumph coincided with the Eastern Question, which saw a frail Ottoman Empire attempting to recover its losses with increased taxation, while the Principalities became a target for competition between the Habsburgs and the Russian Empire; in both settings, the non-native Phanariotes were important players. During Nicholas' reign, Habsburg diplomats claimed that Wallachia was falling into Russian hands. Acting on the Ottomans with "extreme rudeness", they obtained his swift removal.[21] The rejection of outside pressures was also becoming noted before Ioan took charge: a wave of peasant riots in 1804–1805 was followed by a more peaceful interval, which lasted to 1811 when 800 Bucharest merchants staged a protest against new taxes.[22]

Seal used by Caimacam Georgios Argyropoulos in 1813

In 1808–1809, a homonymous cousin, John N. Caradja, himself noted for his literary translations, took over Ioan's position as Grand Dragoman.[23] Ioan's prospects changed for the better after the Russo-Turkish War of 1806–1812. He began his second stint as Dragoman on 7 August 1812, replacing Panagiotis Moutouzis, and subsequently worked to become Wallachian Prince, hoping to outplay his powerful rivals from the Mourouzis family.[24] His candidacy was publicly backed by the Austrian Empire, formed in 1804 from parts of the older Habsburg realm, as well by the Ottoman intriguer, Halet Efendi.[25] He reputedly rewarded intercessions on his behalf with 8,000 bags of Guilder, a "colossal sum" that he intended to recover from Wallachia's taxpayers.[26] According to notes kept by the French émigré Alexandre de Langeron, Caragea surpassed all Phanariote candidates in being both "greedy and unrepentant" with his quest for the throne.[27] Sultan Mahmud II finally awarded Caragea his throne on 27 August 1812,[28] though he only presented him with the ceremonial fur hat on 22 October, at a time when the plague pandemic was killing 3,000 Istanbul residents each day.[29] During these dates, regal power in Wallachia was held by Rallou's husband Argyropoulos, as Caimacam.[30] Both the Caimacam and the Prince were closely supervised by the Ottoman authorities of Ruschuk.[31]

Like the parallel appointment of Scarlat Callimachi in Moldavia, his was meant to cover a seven-year term, as pledged by the Ottoman firman of 1802.[32] Bucharesters openly rejoiced in the news, but merely because it signaled the end of a detested Russian presence: "Stuffed dolls, dressed like the Moskals, were put up on poles, paraded by the people around Bucharest, doused in mud, and finally set alight. Merrymaking lasted for three days between 15 and 18 October 1812, with lights being put up throughout the city and shots being fired uninterruptedly."[33] The investiture also arrived with what was widely read as bad omens such, including a major frost described by the Wallachian scribe Dionisie Fotino: "[during the 1812–1813 winter there were] scores of calamities, with thousands of cattle big and small, as well as people, being wiped out by the weather which caught them out on the fields, or on the roads."[34]

The new ruler only crossed the Danube on 4 December,[35] and came within reach of Bucharest on 6 December, when he set up camp at Văcărești.[36] Still without entering the city, he curbed all celebrations, making sure that the high-ranking country aristocracy, or boyars, knew of his hostility toward them and their alleged Russophilia.[37] While announcing that the people could expect more leniency, he was in fact focused on distributing all lucrative offices among his own Phanariote associates.[38] As reported by memoirist Ștefan Scarlat Dăscălescu, both Caragea and Callimachi had with them "hordes of famished Greeks", reserving them the offices of Postelnic, Great Ban, and all high-ranking Ispravnici.[39] One estimate suggests that he collected at least 500,000 Turkish piasters from this activity alone—including 30,000 from the Frenchman Filip Lenș.[40] Caragea disguised himself in order to visit his designated palace, Curtea Nouă, which had been damaged by the Imperial Russian Army during its use as a field hospital.[41] The place burned down on 22 December, shortly after having been refurbished.[42] The Prince only made his official entry into Bucharest on 24 December.[43] He opted not to use the building as his residence, and instead rented two boyar homes, one of them owned by Grigore Dimitrie Ghica,[44] outside Curtea Veche. He quickly transformed these into a makeshift palace that stood out for "bringing together all styles of Europe and Turkey",[45] with frescoes done by Italian artist Alberto Giacometti.[46] Caragea used St. Nicholas in-a-Day Church as his family chapel; he ordered the construction of a covered footbridge leading directly from the palace and into that building, tearing down part of its south wall.[47]

It was in this new residence that Caragea held court as chief justice of Wallachia. The procedures were witnessed in February 1813 by a foreign visitor, Count Auguste de Lagarde, who commented on Caragea's nepotism and corruption: "he gave boyar offices to a few commoners who had paid large sums for their diploma and ended this memorable session by breaking his flail on a boyar of the court—a one-eyed man who stood accused of having insulted Princess Rallou".[48] Immediately after his enthronement, Caragea was becoming known to locals as harsh and swift in carrying out justice. In 1812, Atanasie Vastă of Târgoviște was whipped and exiled for having assaulted his own father, with Caragea reminding him that the usual punishment involved the amputation of both arms.[49] Believing himself a murder suspect, the young boyar Dimitrie Foti Merișescu recalls his terror at ending up as Caragea's prisoner: "on quite a few Saturdays, he would impale thieves. [...] also on Saturdays, the convicts imprisoned, in some cases, he would chop their arms off with an axe, in others he would carve out their noses and ears".[50] A Moldavian youth, Teodor Vârnav, recalls of his visit in May 1813: "The first sight I caught upon reaching outer Bucharest was this: two men impaled, but still alive, and another one likewise hung by the neck."[51] As seen by Dăscălescu, these punishments had little effect in curbing crime, especially since brigands or hayduks enjoyed a solid reputation as anti-establishment heroes.[52]

Caragea also welcomed in his palace Joseph Ledoulx, the French Empire's envoy to Wallachia, who recalled that Caragea made sure to avoid relevant diplomatic subjects, instead of focusing on showing his court as both splendid and peaceful—"he proved to me that the role of king [sic], which he had only been playing for two months, was neither hard nor unpleasant."[53] Ledoulx reports that the court included boyars, slave girls, as well as "all sorts of nobodies" who lived exclusively on princely handouts.[54] The court's reliance on princely boons and titles was also commented on by Caragea's Swiss secretary, François Recordon, who was puzzled by its sartorial components. According to Recordon, Wallachian boyars would spend lavish amounts on clothes and jewelry, including kalpak headgear that he measures as "at least five feet across".[55] As one of his first acts in power, Caragea called on his friend Fleischhackl, who was serving as Austrian consul in Bucharest, to help him import 100 pounds of snuff, which he then sent as a thank-you bribe to Sultan Mahmud. When Fleischhackl had his first audience with the Prince, he found himself pestered by the latter's retinue, and only stopped them from following him by paying them bribes totaling 387 piasters.[56]

View over the remains of Curtea Nouă and Dealul Spirii, in an 1841 etching by Eugène Cicéri and Michel Bouquet

Watercolor portrait of Caragea's enemy Manuc Bei, made during his time in exile

Initially, Caragea was successful in blocking out the Eastern plague, which during 1812 only touched Teleorman County; on 10 December, he ordered that any plague fatalities be dragged out with hooks and buried in a mass grave. He also ordered Bucharest's health inspector, Archisatras, to give him routine reports on any signs of disease.[57] The country's economic decline, worsened by months of Russian military occupation,[58] did not prevent Caragea from instituting new fiscal policies which the population at large perceived as absurdly harsh. According to reports left by Caragea's enemy Manuc Bei, fiscal innovations were inaugurated by Caimacam Argyropoulos, who pressured Wallachian citizens into paying an additional contribution of 2.1 million piasters, claiming that these were upkeep they still owed to the Russian troops. Manuc also claims that Caragea and Argyropoulos never paid their dues in this respect, keeping the money for themselves while also trading away the cattle and grain that had been nominally requisitioned by Russia.[59] The policies were not fully endorsed by the Wallachian Vistier (treasurer) Grigore Brâncoveanu; within six months of office, Caragea had him replaced with a more compliant Constantin Filipescu.[60] Brâncoveanu's ouster was in itself a highly unpopular gesture.[61]

One of Caragea's steady efforts in this respect involved increasing the number of lude (contributing families of persons), which he intended to raise to 50,000 units from some 18,000.[62] Though he was unable to reach this end goal, he reduced the number of tax-exempt subjects, known as scutelnici and poslușnici, by some 7,000 people, who were very briefly reintegrated with the general population.[63] According to Manuc, Caragea's system was self-defeating, since the administration took money to remove other people from the lude category.[64] Manuc also reports that Caragea was averse to any tax privileges still enjoyed by commercial towns—indifferent to their spoliation under Russian rule, he collected 1.8 million piasters from this group of localities alone.[65] An 1815 note by diarist Asănache Lipianu informs that Caragea "burdened down the guilds as much as he could", while also ordering low-ranking boyars to pay a tax of 18 thaler.[66] More arbitrary demands were made against Russophile boyars such as Alecu Nenciulescu, who had to sell his Bucharest townhouse to Fleischhackl in July 1815.[67]

The Prince exercised increasingly violent pressures on those rural areas that still organized into autonomous communities, or obști, applying extortion and physical torture to obtain land concessions in Brănești.[68] Both Manuc[69] and chronicler Ioan Dobrescu[70] describe these moves as the factor behind a major exodus of Wallachians into neighboring Rumelia; other forms of tax resistance were also experimented—in one incident, all the shopkeepers of Ploiești went on strike.[71] In mid 1813, the Ispravnici of several counties were blocking the export of food and timber to Rumelia, promoting the intervention of Ottoman authorities. As a result of these, Caragea dispatched 300 loggers into Mehedinți County, to help meet the wood quota.[72]

In other ways, the Prince tried to mitigate the unwanted effects of Ottoman policies. When the Austrian authorities of Transylvania received permission to import up to 150,000 kile of grain from Wallachia, Caragea changed the definition of kile to one favoring local producers, increasing the exports tenfold.[73] Dobrescu notes in passing that Caragea's policy of continuing exports of food throughout his reign made these more affordable for the locals as well.[74] By contrast, Manuc accuses the administration of irregularities in this respect as well: "They say that a destitute man will always be on the winning side when he engages in commerce; true enough, but only when the surplus stays with the wretched, when they only have to pay off the customs fee, and not when they are subject to oppression."[75] He thus notes that Caragea's state exporters were instructed to tip the scales, obtaining that one in three kile of grain be robbed away from the peasant producers. Manuc alleges that Caragea similarly confiscated 250,000 sheep, which was 100,000 more than the Ottomans had required of him, and that he sold off the difference at a profit.[76] During this interval, the Prince also obtained and expanded privileges for Bulgarian settlers around Bucharest, who were the city's suppliers of produce, and whose Romanianization he indirectly encouraged.[77] New settlers included Anton Pann, a writer of disputed ethnic origins, known to have been born in Sliven.[78]

From the early days of his reign, Caragea also consolidated permanent links with Austria by making Konstantinos Bellios his permanent agent in Vienna.[79] More significantly, he was also in contact with the Austrian Chancellor, Klemens von Metternich; he instructed Friedrich von Gentz to send Caragea regular digests of the goings-on in world politics, with subtle indications of what Austria desired from Wallachia.[80] These events closely followed the peace of Bucharest, which ended the preceding war—and, to the Ottomans' outrage, included the loss of Bessarabia. Caragea was one of those whom the Grand Vizier Hurshid Pasha asked to purge Wallachia of political figures seen as responsible for that debacle; the latter included Abdullah Ramiz Efendi, whom Caragea beheaded at Colentina, and Manuc Bei, whom he probably tried to lure into an assassination trap.[81] The former deed was praised by Mahmud, who rewarded Caragea with a diamond-encrusted snuff box.[82]

Caragea had more trouble in dealing with Manuc, to whom he owed 175,000 piasters, borrowed early on by Argyropoulos. He sacked his confidants from the offices at the court, but was unable to lure Manuc himself, who was, or pretended to be, bedridden with malaria.[83] Manuc's secretary, Mser Mseriants, recounts three meetings between his employer and the Prince, claiming that Caragea's pressures eventually drove Manuc into a permanent exile. Mseriants also provides details on Caragea ordering Michael Soutzos to seize Manuc's assets and children, but notes that Soutzos failed in both attempts.[84] This was largely because the Russian consul Andrey Italinski received guarantees from the Ottoman court that all Manucs would be allowed to leave Wallachia unharmed.[85] In the end, Caragea only obtained that Manuc be stripped, illegally so, of his own status as Dragoman.[86] That office eventually went to Michael Soutzos, who took a monthly bribe of 80,000 piasters from his father-in-law.[87] Reportedly, Caragea also intended to purchase Manuc's Inn, which was a lucrative business in downtown Bucharest.[88]

From his place of exile in Transylvania, Manuc sought to convince the Porte that Caragea was a bad asset: "this character has collected 4,000 bags of gold within eight months; yet nobody bothers to look into that."[89] Also according to Manuc, Caragea simply sold off the office of Wallachian Metropolitan Bishop to Nectarie, a "wicked man that the country did not love", as well as a "drunk", and similarly auctioned off the Diocese of Râmnic to Nectarie's nephew, Galaction.[90] Caragea took a reported 650,000 piasters from this deal, while Gregory Soutzos, who had helped seal it, received 25,000.[91] A later record by the same Manuc suggests that Caragea extorted Nectarie, obtaining from him (and in fact from the Church itself) an annual bribe of 500–600 bags of Guilder.[92]

Charalambos destroying the plague, in a 19th-century Orthodox icon from Șcheii Brașovului

From July 1813, the Prince began persecuting other dissenters, including Grigore Ghica and Constantin Bălăceanu, by having them sent into exile—the former internally, the latter to the more remote Kastoria.[93] A Brâncoveanu associate, Iancu Cocorăscu, was sentenced to have his arms chopped off.[94] This purge was interrupted by a relapse of the plague. Consigned to folk memory as "Caragea's plague", it lasted from June 1813 to April 1814 (with a reported peak during January),[95] remaining "the deadliest outbreak of the plague from those reported in the country's annals."[96] Fotino argues that Caragea took precautionary measures against the disease even reaching Bucharest, but was in the end powerless to stop it, losing some members of his court to it. According to Fotino, some 70,000 people died throughout the plague,[97] while Dobescu notes that there were 20,000 fatalities in Bucharest alone.[98] Fatalities increased despite his attempts to contain the spread with a total quarantine—which included the expulsion of beggars from Bucharest,[99] the closure of fairs in Obor and elsewhere, checks on the number of Jews who could enter Bucharest, and, from August, also a formal curse on Wallachians who failed to abide by the rules.[100]

Hostile accounts suggest that Caragea was in fact responsible for bringing to Bucharest with his own Phanariote entourage.[101] The Prince himself survived by locking himself inside Cotroceni Monastery.[102] According to Manuc, his venality hampered the relief efforts, which were mostly ran by Nenciulescu and private physicians who only took some payments from the poor box.[103] Other reports indicate that Caragea was not to blame. Since "doctors were the first to leave the city [of Bucharest]", he issued writs ordering their salaries to be requisitioned.[104] Museographer Gabriel Ciotoran writes that, overall, Caragea "had a decisive merit in curbing [the plague], with the many decisions that he took under such dire circumstances."[105]

A late Wallachian chronicler, Dionisie Eclesiarhul, provides coverage on the epidemic and the panic which is created. Together, mortality and flight left Bucharest and Craiova depopulated, and vagabonds in charge of the abandoned goods.[106] Historical memoirist Ion Ghica reports that, in Bucharest's Dudești neighborhood, syndicates of beggars and undertakers, identified by their red scarves, unceremoniously executed the sick or simply left them to die in the open field, after taking their valuables.[107] The phenomenon was noted by Caragea himself in October 1813, when he ordered the arrest of a plague survivor who organized beggars and undertakers into roving bands of robbers.[108] It was also curbed by the victims themselves: in one reported incident, ten undertakers were killed by those whom they intended to kidnap.[109]

The Wallachian administration was able to assist in the relief against plague-related brigandage by again applying state terror. Merișescu, who wandered about Muntenia during the plague, reports that rural areas were quickly pacified for fear of Caragea's "strictness": "should anyone happen to have dropped something along the roads, nobody would pick it up, and there were no thieves to speak of."[110] Caragea was also involved in advancing precautions against other disasters, such as his June 1814 order that all shopkeepers in Bucharest keep and maintain firefighting implements.[111] That same month, he upset the boyars by absentmindedly granting a plot in Lipscani, Bucharest to the clergy serving his court. He was forced to withdraw his donation upon being informed that it was exclusively reserved for impaling malefactors or their severed heads.[112]

While Wallachia was recovering, the Ottomans were successful in quashing the First Serbian Uprising, immediately to the west of Oltenia. This campaign ran concurrently with the French invasion of Russia and the War of the Sixth Coalition, which drew Russia's attention away from the Ottoman Empire. Enjoying his freedom to act, Mahmud ordered the Ottoman army to "destroy all the inhabitants fit to carry arms". Reportedly, Caragea intervened to warn the Porte that Russia was not yet defeated: "Mahmoud caught the hint, his ferocious orders were countermanded, and the Servians [sic] were spared."[113] During that interval, Caragea cultivated Franco-Wallachian relations and Napoleon's emissaries in Bucharest, including Ledoulx.[114]

Mahmud's victory in Serbia was celebrated by Caragea and his court in November 1813; in December, the Prince agreed to welcome in Wallachia Serb emigrants, who were to compensate for victims of the plague.[115] This plan was only partly carried through: in June 1815, members of the new Serb colonies in Craiova, Pitești and Curtea de Argeș were petitioning the court to grant them passports and the right to leave Wallachia.[116] After catching news of France's defeat at Leipzig, the Prince endorsed Russian orders to expel Ledoulx and his staff from Wallachia, which inaugurated a lasting dispute with Antoine-François Andréossy, the French Ambassador to the Porte.[117] Caragea became a champion of the Moldavian boyardom, which asked the great powers to endorse the reunification with Bessarabia. He tried to persuade Metternich, through Gentz, to discuss Bessarabia at the Congress of Vienna, but was advised to drop the issue.[118]

Before and after the plague, Caragea was interested in maintaining his profile as a cultural reformer. During June 1813, he lifted all tax duties on one church from Muscel County, noting its efforts in educating the local children.[119] In September 1814, he also set up a commission, or Eforie, to reorganize the princely academy, under the presidency of Metropolitan Nectarie. The trustees were both Phanariotes, such as Grigore D. Ghica and Caragea's nephew Alexandros Mavrokordatos, and Romanians such as Iordache Golescu; from 1816, Ștefan Nestor Craiovescul became the academy's only Romanian teacher.[120] The school was moved to a new location in Măgureanu Church and placed under a Greek philosopher, Benjamin of Lesbos; however, it remained controversial for only offering classes in Greek and Church Slavonic, a dead language.[121]

In late 1813, before the epidemic could be declared over, Princess Rallou opened up her Cișmeaua Roșie theater, which showed, among other plays, Voltaire's Brutus.[122] It is remembered as "the first professional (Greek-language) theatrical troupe in the Romanian lands."[123] Her effort was probably backed by a grand boyar, Iordache Slătineanu, otherwise noted for his very first translation of a dramatic text into Romanian (two plays by Pietro Metastasio, published in 1797).[124] Rallou's father was also in the audience: "Everybody stood at attention for Prince Caragea, who came to see his daughter Ralu disguised as a tragic Muse."[125] He was similarly interested in the dramatic arts, producing Greek-language translations of various plays by Carlo Goldoni (including Il vero amico, Pamela maritata, and as many as twelve others) while still a reigning Prince.[126]

Title page of Legiuirea in its 1818 print, crediting the work's commissioner as Io Ioan Gheorghie Caragea (Їω Їωан Геωргïє Караџѣ)

According to historian Ioan C. Filitti, Caragea's overall effort should be regarded as part of a Phanariote drive to affirm equality before the law and individualism.[127] The Prince's views on law and taxation were codified into the updated version of Wallachia's statutory law, published in 1818 and known thereafter as Legiuirea lui Caragea ("Caragea's Law"). The work was primarily an attempt at synthesizing Byzantine law and local customs, defining the relations between these two sources. According to Dăscălescu, the result was mediocre, though not entirely pointless "had here been someone to apply them properly".[128] Historian Constantin Iordachi proposes that, in its function as a compilation of private law, Caragea's text was mainly based on the modernizing Napoleonic Code, though still maintaining "an uneven combination on enlightened principles and medieval privileges."[129] Literary scholar Nicolae Liu similarly notes that Caragea shared the Enlightenment's ambition "of achieving the 'common good' or 'general welfare' by legislative means"; he underscores that Legiuirea, along with other codes of the era, "intended to impose the image of certain Phanariote princes as 'trustees of the country' with a paternalistic regard for the people".[130]

Like the contemporary Callimachi Code of Moldavia, Legiuirea showed the end result of enlightened absolutism, as "an effective tool used by the central power in its struggle to control the emerging state machinery."[131] As noted by legal scholar Valentin Al. Georgescu, it remained undecided between sources when it came to inheritance rights, creating an "absurd solution" which excluded some women from inheriting from their father-in-law if they had been widowed before his death.[132] Overall, Caragea's code repressed a tradition of relative gender equality previously sustained by Wallachia's common law, introducing strict agnatic primogeniture, and requiring male children to provide for their sisters.[133] It afforded women "a certain social visibility in accordance with customary law, [but] denied them political rights and some civil rights."[134] Unlike Callimachi, whose code fully endorsed Christian supremacy, Caragea's legal scholars remained entirely silent on the issue of religious discrimination.[135] These legislators were also vague when it came to the naturalization of foreigners: they paid lip service to earlier nativist and discriminatory laws but, as Iordachi argues, never actually enforced them—showing the political power still held by Phanariote families.[136]

Legiuirea was noted in particular for expanding on the previous code of 1780 by introducing more duties to be levied on Wallachia's peasant population.[137] Corvées were fixed at 12 days a year, with two more days added for plowing the fields. This number could not be reduced by the landowners themselves.[138] Some articles upheld and extended the view that peasants could not own any property, effectively transforming their contract into an emphyteusis.[139] The code also broke with Byzantine tradition as interpreted locally by not providing any grounds for the punishment of treason—though its original form, preserved in Greek fragments, specified that the Prince had a final say in all matters, and could invoke capital punishment.[140] In one application of this prerogative, Caragea pardoned the boyar outlaw Iancu Jianu and "married him off to the impoverished daughter of a Greek man".[141] In practice, the system only specified death as the penalty for three major crimes (premeditated murder, robbery, and counterfeiting), but both it and torture could be applied at the Prince's pleasure.[142]

With the outbreak of the Second Serbian Uprising in April 1815, Wallachia's grain trade was perturbed by immediate Ottoman demands. Caragea was forced to ask the Austrians for the right to import food from Bačka and the Banat, in exchange for a promissory note.[143] The state continued to be unrelenting in its taxation, as recorded by traveler F. G. Laurençon. Laurençon reports that one tax collector beat up a pregnant woman who died as a result; Caragea had the culprit tried and sentenced to partial mutilation, after which "he returned home to surely perform more such misdeeds."[144] The plague, meanwhile, still made occasional returns, reappearing in Ilfov and Ialomița during autumn 1814,[145] and striking Râmnicu Vâlcea in December 1815.[146] During the latter outbreak, the Prince formed a permanent health committee led by Postelnic Iucache Arhiropol, and set up a permanent quarantine facility at Plumbuita.[147] Caragea was also alarmed about the spread of leprosy, and in May 1816 ordered Samurcaș to form a lazaretto in Cotroceni.[148]

During the secondary plague outbreaks, Caragea and his court left Bucharest for the nearby village of Ciorogârla, which consequently became known as Ciorogârla Domnească or Domnești (from domn, "prince"; see Domnitor); he was often described as a likely ktitor of the local Paraschiva Church, though this was more likely built decades before his reign.[149] Also in 1815, there was an attempted revolt by the Pandurs of Oltenia.[150] During November of that year, Prussian diplomat Ludwig Senfft von Pilsach noted Caragea's optimism, which contrasted the "restless and skittish passion" of his supervisors at the Porte. This referred to Caragea's belief that European peace would be secured by the Treaty of Paris.[151] Ledoulx writes that Caragea was enthusiastic about Napoleon's defeat at Waterloo, and celebrated it by dressing up a mannequin in Grande Armée uniform, which his servants used as a football.[152]

In April 1816, Senfft reported news that an anti-Caragea plot had been uncovered in Bucharest. He later questioned whether this had actually happened, but a Wallachian archival document confirmed that a coup had indeed been prepared by a "revolutionary organization".[153] During June, Senfft transmitted rumors that Caragea's demotion was again being considered by Mahmud: "four carriages have been secretly bought for the new prince who is due to replace prince Caradja."[154] He claimed that Caragea was no longer backed by Halet Efendi, who instead encouraged conspirators to act in Bucharest: "[Halet and his clients] work to give some semblance of legality and treaty conformity to the hospodar's removal, arguing that the prince Caradja, following these two conspiracies which prove the hatred brought on by his avarice, cannot be maintained in his place".[155]

In that context, Manuc advised Russia to mount additional pressures on Caragea. He suggested that Pyotr Lopukhin's government collect on its 1812 debt, which, Manuc argued, would result in the downfall of Halet Efendi and his entire "Austrian" clique.[156] Manuc also claimed that he was in regular contact with Vistier Filipescu and Constantin Samurcaș, both of them double-dealers who had kept full records of Caragea's fraudulent accounting.[157] In mid-1816, these reports were heard by Russian Emperor Alexander I, who ordered that Caragea be regarded as a suspect. Russian diplomats who had backed his regime, including Italinski, were reportedly sacked during the investigation, while Foreign Minister Ioannis Kapodistrias was told to maintain permanent communication with Manuc.[158] The Manuc affair was soon forgotten, largely because Samurcaș changed his attitude and vouched for Caragea's innocence. According to historian Ion Ionașcu, "he responded [to Manuc's requests for information] just as Caragea himself would have answered, had the Porte been looking into his affairs."[159] Manuc himself still championed the cause, now arguing that the full extent of Caragea's fraud could only be known to Ștefan Bellu, who kept the Prince's more accurate and secret records, and who retained for himself part of the boyar salaries.[160] Bellu used such funds in land speculation in Argeș County, emerging as the uncontested owner of Piscani village—which was by then a hub for foreign immigration.[161]

Meanwhile, Samurcaș alerted his liege about Manuc's conspiracy to have him removed; Caragea followed up by increasing the bribes he sent to Mahmud, and also by dispatching more of his assets to safety in Austria.[162] During November 1816, he and Callimachi dutifully reported to Mahmud about Russian military maneuvers in Bessarabia.[163] On 1 January 1817, during the New Years' Feast at the home of his son-in-law Constantin Vlahutzi, Caragea announced his court that he intended to cut down on taxes and expenditures; this was days after signalling his tolerance of Romanian nationalism (the "National Party"), which came with Brâncoveanu's appointment as Spatharios.[164] He was also providing selective tax breaks: in December 1816, he allowed the family of Clucer Dincă Socoteanu to have ten scutelnici.[165] During February, he coaxed or threatened Nectarie and the boyars into writing him an arz de mulțumire ("thankful memorandum"), for which there was no precedent in Wallachian history.[166]

These concessions were contrasted by Caragea's attempt at imposing strict sartorial regulations, which restricted the use of white to clothes worn by him and his family. The order, passed on 12 January 1817, was immediately defied by the anti-Phanariote boyars: "One of the boyar ladies, Tarsița Filipescu, decked herself in the whitest possible turban, satin dress and cüppe [gown] and ostentatiously rode beneath the windows of the princely court".[167] Caragea ordered her stripped down in case she would re-offend, though she was never apprehended.[168] Eventually, the Prince appointed Barbu Văcărescu as the country's Vistier, deposing and publicly humiliating Constantin Filipescu; in March 1817, he had the whole Filipescu family arrested and exiled to Bucov.[169] The events were recounted to Kapodistrias by Manuc, who was informed in return that Russia did not consider them worthy of attention.[170] Rumors passed on by Dimitrie Macedonski have it that Vistier Filipescu's death later that year was the result of his poisoning on Caragea's orders.[171]

The court itself continued to parade its opulence—in late 1817, Caragea's first-born son, Beizadea Konstantinos, created a stir by driving around in a deer-drawn sled which was decorated to resemble Apollo's fiery chariot.[172] All men of the princely family were by then known for their decadent morals: Konstantinos was a serial seducer, forcing his wife Raluca Moruzzi to file for divorce; Ioan himself send his court dignitaries on "faraway missions", then forced himself on their wives.[173] Such behavior scandalized an English physician, William Mac Michael. In January 1818, he reported that the Prince's second son, Beizadea Georgios, introduced his mother and sisters to his Wallachian mistress, who had deserted her husband and six children to obtain that position.[174] Georgios was himself married to Smaragda, a member of the Rosetti Phanariotes (daughter of Dragoman Nicholas), having spent over 8,000 silver francs as alms during their wedding ceremony.[175] Merișescu reports that another one of Caragea's young relatives, Dimitri, married a promiscuous boyaress, Zoe Băleanu, whom he took to his villa in Therapia—where he was serving as Wallachia's emissary, or Kapucu.[176]

At his new palace, Caragea favored the glamorous side of Westernization, introducing sugar sculptures, country dances (including the mazurka), Farobank, and carom billiards.[177] Boyaresses were quick to adopt the modern Western attire, while their husbands remained committed to the Istanbulite fashion.[178] During these final years in office, Caragea was sometimes troubled by excess spending, encouraging boyars to adopt habits that were both less wasteful and less Oriental;[179] in March 1815, he banned a card game which went locally by the name of criș.[180] Westernization at the court also tied Ioan Caragea and his daughter to the history of flying machines in Wallachia. On 26 June 1818, they were probably present as "some Germans" flew a hot air balloon from Dealul Spirii in downtown Bucharest—the result of a wager, in which the Prince lost 10,000 thalers that the contraption would never take off.[181] According to a record kept at Govora Monastery, the balloon only came down on 9 June, when it was recovered at Cățelu.[182] A similar experiment had taken place in Moldavia in 1816, making this the second balloon flight in either Principality.[183]

Recordon's accounts suggest that most Wallachian natives, including boyars, were not served by the institutional modernization, being entirely illiterate in their native language.[184] The years 1816–1817 gave rise to disputes over this issue: increasingly nationalist boyars demanded a dedicated Romanian section at the princely academy, but Caragea and Benjamin of Lesbos were very much opposed. As recounted by scholar Ion Heliade Rădulescu, the Eforie debates were heated, with Caragea pretending to seek expert counsel from Benjamin on each new proposal, and receiving the answer nu se poate, stăpâne ("no can do, my liege").[185] In December 1817, Caragea relented to nationalist pressures and created a Romanian-language school within the academy. According to historian Neagu Djuvara, the effort was "surprisingly modern" in advancing standards for staff selection and student examinations.[186] From March 1818, this project was taken over by Gheorghe Lazăr, an engineer and immigrant from Transylvania—who was also one of the first male Bucharesters to wear a Western suit.[187] Lazăr used his position to preach subversive ideas, encouraging Romanians to view Greeks as "oppressors who need to be shaken off once and for all".[188]

Karađorđe's murder, as depicted in 1863 by Mór Than

Citing earlier pronouncements made by Andrei Oțetea, Ionașcu argues that Caragea's slashing of tax bills was duplicitous, "meant to encumber his successor on the throne with a heavy burden and to leave the somewhat relieved popular masses with the memory of a reign that had been good for the country's finances."[189] Documents from 1818–1819 provide a unique record of Wallachia's budgetary expenditure, which were driven up by the haraç and other Ottoman fiscal instruments, totaling 2 million thalers, alongside undisclosed sums in presents and bribes; the national revenue, meanwhile, was 5.9 million thalers.[190] In documenting the Prince's rapacity for Manuc, Filipescu contended that Caragea had taken almost 10 million piasters in bribes. These included 25,000 from Hagi Stănuță, who wanted to preserve his lease on the textile mill of Mărcuța (though Caragea still sold off the rights to other bidders, in August 1817).[191] Langeron claims that, overall, Caragea had "squeezed that unfortunate province [of Wallachia]" of 93 million piasters, or 50 million rubles, of which he kept 18 million; 70 million "went over to the sultan, to his ministers, and to the Phanariotes".[192] Manuc argued that the sum was much much smaller, though still surpassing the 14 million piasters that were accounted for with receipts.[193]

By 1817, Caragea was trying to prevent another regional conflict over tensions in the Principality of Serbia. After initially seeking to arrest Karađorđe, who was trying to rekindle the revolt in Serbia from Wallachia, he watched on as Karađorđe was killed by his more conservative compatriots. In the aftermath, he intervened to reassure the Russians that their favorite Serb had not in fact been assassinated by the Ottomans themselves, and therefore that the pact between the two regional powers was not violated.[194] In August 1817, he sent Mahmud letters he had received from Miloš Obrenović, in which the latter explained Karađorđe's fate.[195] Caragea also arrested Pandur leader Tudor Vladimirescu and the Greek conspirator Giorgakis Olympios, who were Karađorđe's contacts in Wallachia, but released both upon the discovery that they had Russian consular protection.[196] Halet wrote that Mahmud was well pleased by Karađorđe's murder and that the privately thanked his Wallachian vassal for facilitating it—though this was not necessarily factual.[197]

The Prince was still unable to meet the Ottomans' budgetary expectations, and, as historian Ion Nistor argues, "his services regarding the Serbian question were soon forgotten."[198] As the Russian Ambassador to the Porte, Grigory Strogonov credited Manuc's notes on Caragea, and publicly shamed the latter by refusing to visit Bucharest and accept a bribe.[199] He then made complex efforts to stop Caragea from inventing new taxes, but also to prevent Mahmud from simply replacing him with another Phanariote.[200] This prompted the Ottomans to pressure Caragea into resigning of his own will, which did not formally contradict understandings they had with Russia. Strogonov was alarmed by this ruse, and began advising Caragea on how to handle the pressure.[201] In December 1816, he informed Manuc that he no longer found his reports trustworthy, and hinted that Filipescu was trying to compromise the Russian government.[202] From 1 June 1817, Caragea embarked on a correspondence with Kapodistrias, who became his partisan.[203] Arriving at Bucharest as the new Russian consul, Alexander Pini reputedly enjoyed a steady friendship with the Prince, much to Manuc's chagrin. The latter died unexpectedly at Hîncești on 20 June, which "must have filled with joy Prince Caragea's soul".[204]

Meanwhile, the Sultan considered ending the affair with a violent coup in Bucharest. Merișescu reports being tipped off that "your prince has not paid his haraç these past five years, and the Turks are preparing to have him slashed".[205] Moreover, the Ottoman court had been made aware that Caragea was in contact with revolutionary Greek nationalists, grouped as the Filiki Eteria, and that this intrigue was being facilitated by Russian diplomats in Wallachia.[206] At some point in 1818, Caragea and Callimachi's delegates met with Emperor Alexander and his ministers in Kishinev, urging them to invade the Principalities. Kapodistrias told them off, since "Russia's desire is to conserve peace with the Porte, at any cost".[207] Caragea himself caught up with rumors that he had been disgraced at the Ottoman court; he also discovered that his Soutzos son-in-law, who wanted the throne of Moldavia, now supported the toppling of both Princes. In retaliation, he sacked and humiliated Michael's father, Gregory Soutzos, from his postings at the Bucharest court.[208] On 28 September 1818, he convened the Princely Divan and asked them to form a regency council while he absented Bucharest "for reasons he did not care to disclose to them."[209]

On the evening of 29 September, after having attended the funeral ceremony of Ban Radu Golescu,[210] Caragea took his family on a what appeared to be a leisurely carriage trip outside Bucharest. Instead, they fled for the Transylvanian city of Kronstadt, alongside 300 of their Arnaut guard.[211] According to a period testimony by the Russian agent Pavel Liprandi, they narrowly escaped Pandur retribution: Vladimirescu wanted to ambush the princely caravan as it entered Transylvania; however, his plan was foiled by Olympios, who, instead of helping with the ambush, escorted Caragea to safety.[212] Pini also allegedly played a part, having "received great sums of money to facilitate this escape."[213] The Carageas' drive into Austria required tacit consent from Metternich, who granted them asylum,[214] as well as the use of forged papers.[215] The Prince allegedly asked both Austria and Russia for a resident's permit. Metternich refused to "compromise [Austria] in front of the Sublime Porte", while Emperor Alexander only responded that he needed time to reflect on the issue.[216] The convoy then set off for Geneva, where Caragea and his relatives stayed for the following six months.[217]

According to historian Bogdan Bucur, while in exile Caragea "lived off his huge fortune, which consoled him regarding his prudent abdication."[218] Most funds had been transferred into Western banks (some 30 million piasters were moved by the Geymüller House to the National Austrian Bank),[219] and were accessible to Caragea once he relocated to a new home in the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, at Pisa.[220] He enjoyed an unusually deep level of protection from the Tuscan authorities, with censors intervening to remove all criticism of Caragea from the local newspapers.[221] Caragea's escape was seen as intolerable by Mahmud II; while the aged Alexandros Soutzos took over as Prince, the Sultan issued a decree that only four clans of Phanariotes, including two branches of the Soutzos, could ever expect to have members appointed to high office.[222] Halet was "seriously reprimanded" and lost the Sultan's favor, though his candidate, Michael Soutzos, was still a favorite for the Moldavian crown; Beizadea Georgios, whom the events had caught in Istanbul, implored the Sultan for clemency, and received a hatt-i humayun granting him personal safety.[223] The Caragea estates in Istanbul, including those owned by the Kapucu, were confiscated.[224] Meanwhile, Ciorogârla Domnească was auctioned off to cover some of the budgetary losses created by its owner's departure. It was purchased by Constantin Varlaam for 750,000 thalers.[225]

As remembered by Dăscălescu, Caragea's disappearance "once he had absorbed enough bounties" was not followed by "any sort of troubles in the country".[226] In reality, the vacancy led to diplomatic conflicts and to a lasting political uncertainty: Strogonov made the case that, as per the international treaties in place, the Ottomans needed to establish Caragea's guilt before finding him a replacement.[227] Caragea left an explanatory letter that reached the Grand Vizier Burdulu Pasha, who showed it to Strogonov in January 1819. In it, the Prince argued that he had been left with no choice but to flee.[228] Strogonov still declared himself upset by the Soutzos appointments, and, in March, considered asking Caragea to present his version of the events before Emperor Alexander, in Saint Petersburg.[229] During those months, Olympios was preparing the grounds for an anti-Ottoman rebellion, informing Panagiotis Anagnostopoulos that he commanded the allegiance of some 300 Serb and Bulgarian volunteers.[230] Caragea's flight also deepened conflicts between Romanian nationalists and Phanariotes: immediately after, a delegation of boyars unsuccessfully demanded that all boyar dignities be assigned to men who could prove their Romanian background, and that Caragea's native enemy, Brâncoveanu, be assigned to the throne.[231] The Divan met in December 1818 to vote on Metropolitan Nectarie's destitution and the expulsion of non-princely Phanariote families. A 20-man majority was gathered in favor of the latter measure, and pressures were put on Nectarie, who eventually resigned.[232]

Within years of this protest, Wallachia, Moldavia and Ottoman Greece became central to the anti-Ottoman Greek revolution. During its early stages, Michael and Roxani Soutzos, now the princely couple of Moldavia, called on Caragea to meet them in Bessarabia or Moldavia, arguing that the Eteria had all but succeeded there.[233] He probably never intended to follow up on this invitation, but in any case he would have been prevented to do so by the Austrian authorities, who issued orders to stop him at the border.[234] On 14 March 1821, Beizadea Georgios took his family out of Istanbul, narrowly escaping the anti-Greek massacre[235] and reaching the Russian port of Odessa in April.[236] His brother Konstantinos was one of the few Wallachian Phanariotes to join in the fighting, sailing to Morea Eyalet alongside the Moldavian Teodor Negri. Once there, he united his efforts with his cousin Alexandros Mavrokordatos, who also represented Prince Ioan and the Pisans.[237]

As noted by Hellenist Nestor Camariano, Prince Ioan's residence in Pisa was "not unlike France's famous salons", counting Lord Byron and Percy Bysshe Shelley among its celebrity guests.[238] A contemporary account by a Wallachian known only as Popovici alleges that the former monarch and his associate Kapodistrias also ran a Masonic Lodge. Their association allegedly sponsored not only Greek agitation, but also the parallel Wallachian uprising of 1821, which saw Vladimirescu briefly taking power as Wallachia's governor.[239] The movement for Greek emancipation was indeed supported financially by the former Prince, whom some Pisan Greeks wished to see emerging as a political leader of liberated Greece.[240] This distinction briefly went to Mavrokordatos.[241] The Carageas' party was defeated by Demetrios Ypsilantis and the Eterists during the First National Assembly of Epidaurus, which was attended in person by Ioan and Beizadea Konstantinos. Both were indignant at the outcome, and opted to return to Pisa, where they remained until the revolution could fully succeed.[242]

Double portrait of Caragea and Eleni Argyropoulos in exile

During his final decades, Caragea was politically and culturally loyal to the Kingdom of Greece. In late 1829, he was living in that state's capital of Nafplio, where his palace was visited by archeologist Richard Burgess. According to the latter, he surrounded himself with "civilized" Philhellenes and habitually wore an "Ancient Greek costume".[243] In Wallachia, the Greek and Romanian uprisings ended with the enthronement of Grigore Ghica; during this reign, Brâncoveanu allied himself with Vlahutzi, allegedly contributing to an 1826 revolt in Mehedinți County.[244] Three years later, the circumstances of another Russo-Turkish War brought Wallachia and Moldavia into the Russian orbit, and established a new constitutional regime, Regulamentul Organic. It came with additional requirements for the peasant population, leading those of Măgureni to ask that they be allowed to pay only duties established under "Caragea's law".[245]

Caragea finally settled in Athens in 1830.[246] His Goldoni translations saw print in two editions: the first one came out at Nafplio in 1834; the second one in Athens four years later.[247] A report by publicist Gábor Kazinczy claims that, by 1837, he had also translated and published Paul et Virginie—though this account was since placed in doubt. According to Camariano, if Caragea ever translated from Bernardin de Saint-Pierre, he never published the result.[248] Caragea's involvement with the development of modern Greek theater continued into the early 1840s, when he helped his daughter's friend Costache Aristia set up the Philodramatic Society of Athens.[249] According to a report by A. Bouchon, the Phanariote Princes found themselves shunned by the egalitarian Athenians. For this reason, Bouchon argues, Rallou married the commoner Konstantinos Kolokotronis.[250] This is corrected in other accounts, which note that Kolokotronis' wife was not Prince Ioan's daughter, but rather that of his son Georgios.[251] The Prince himself died in Athens on 27 December 1844.[252]