Premiership of Abiy Ahmed
Abiy Ahmed became the Prime Minister of Ethiopia on April 2, 2018. He was formerly the chairman of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) from 2018 until its dissolution in 2019 when it was replaced by the Prosperity Party.[1]
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Since taking office, Abiy has released several political prisoners jailed by the former ruling party EPRDF and embarked on major reforms in the country with the goal of liberalization. This includes the downsizing of state-owned enterprises and encouraging privatization. In October 2019, Abiy received the Nobel Peace Prize for ending hostile tensions between Ethiopia and Eritrea during the 2019 summit.[2] However, ethnic factions and violence continued, eventually reaching critical status during his tenure, and his government was criticized as increasingly authoritarian in the years after he received the Nobel Peace Prize.[3][4] Hostility between the Tigray authorities led by the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) and the federal government increased following the 2020 regional election in Tigray Region, which the government deemed "illegal." In November 2020, the Tigray War started between the Ethiopian and Tigray governments, with respective military and paramilitary allies. The war caused civilian casualties and thousands of displacements.[5]
Prelude
Abiy started his political career as a member of the Oromo Democratic Party (ODP) from 2010 to 2012, ruling the Oromia Region since 1991. He became the chief committee and congress member, then a member of the Executive Committee of the EPRDF. Before ODP, he served as The Housing and Urban Development Bureau Head with the rank of Oromia Regional State Cabin Deputy Head of State.[6]
From 2007 to 2010, Abiy served in Ethiopia's Information Network Security Agency.[7][8] During the 2010 general election, he was elected to the House of People's Representatives, representing the Agaro constituency. At this time, while embroiled in the religious conflict between the Christian and Muslim majority led, he launched the "Religious Forum finance," a forum designed to impose resolution and create interaction with the Muslim-Christian community.[9]
After serving for one year, Abiy was reinstated as an executive member of OPDO. In late 2016, he was appointed Deputy President of the Oromia Region while serving in the House of People's Representatives. With this position, Abiy became head of the OPDO Secretariat and Oromia Housing and Urban Development Office and was elected as a member of the executive committee of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) in early 2018. The 2016 Oromo protests led to his fellow leader Lemma Megersa's unanimous support of Ethiopians abroad for reforms in OPDO. In mid-February 2018, OPDO invited opposition party members to Ethiopia to survey the democratic system in the Oromia Region and Ethiopia. The invitation led to tantamount praise from these parties.[10]
The ruling coalition EPRDF voted Abiy as a chairman and, in turn, Prime Minister. They elected him after an in-depth review of the executive committee's performance and renewal program on March 20, 2018. Shiferaw Shigute, a head officer of EPRDF, announced in a press conference that the Council's meeting was successful and "entertaining," and "agreements were reached to widening internal democracy within the party, tackling unprincipled networks and antidemocratic attitudes." Shiferaw also introduced the election of Abiy as "transparent" while all members reasonably voted for it. The meeting was held to prevent the distrust and scepticism that the party faced with past leadership.[10]
According to the Secretary, there were no secret negotiations with the appointment respecting the party's rules and norms. Shiferaw also said the withdrawal of Demeke Mekonnen had no direct correlation with the election, and reshuffling would be possible by evaluating the EPRDF cabinet but not necessary.[10]
On April 2, 2018, Abiy was sworn in as Prime Minister of Ethiopia in the House of People's Representatives and promised to "build peaceful diplomatic relations with Eritrea, to work for inclusive development, combatting corruption in the democratic environment." Abiy also pledged to initiate women and youths as the main power of development in the country and end the civil unrest that started in 2016.[10]
Domestic policy
Since taking office, Abiy's government released many political prisoners that former EPRDF rulers jailed; among them were activist Kinfe Michael Debebe, Ginbot 7 leader Andargachew Tsige and his colleague Berhanu Nega, and Oromo dissident and public intellectual Jawar Mohammed. Most remaining detainees were journalists from US-based ESAT and OMN satellite television networks.[11][12] On May 30, Abiy's surprise meeting with Andargachew was termed by many critics as "unprecedented and previously unimaginable," who was sentenced to the death penalty and would be nearly on death row within 24 hours. Critics termed the condition "bold and remarkable." He was apprehended at Sana'a International Airport, Yemen, in 2014 and extradited to Ethiopia.[13]
On the same day, the government would amend the country's "draconian" anti-terrorism law, widely perceived as a tool for political repression. Abiy would hint at abolishing anti-terrorism law that "led to the detention and persecution of thousands in East African country."[14] On June 1, 2018, Abiy announced the end of the state of emergency imposed two years prior, which was lifted on June 4.[15] In his first briefing to the House of Peoples' Representatives in June 2018, Abiy countered criticism of his government's release of convicted "terrorists," which, according to the opposition, is just a name the EPRDF gives you if you are a part or even meet the "opposition." He argued that policies that sanctioned arbitrary detention and torture constituted extra-constitutional acts of terror aimed at suppressing opposition.[16] Three hundred and four prisoners (289 convicted of terrorism charges) were pardoned on June 15. According to the Ethiopian attorney general through Fana Television, three Kenyan sentenced prisoners were released after the bilateral agreement was signed between Ethiopia and Kenya and potentially would increase relations. By that time, in total, 1,000 prisoners had been removed.[17]
An editorial pro-government website Tigrai Online expressed the maintenance of a state of emergency as vital, and Abiy's step was "doing too much too fast."[18] Other reactionaries were concerned that the release of thousands of political prisoners would impact Ethiopia's criminal justice system if they were dangerous criminals and arsonists.[19] On June 13, the TPLF executive committee denounced that the handover of Badme over the Algiers Agreement and privatization of state-owned enterprises were "fundamentally flawed," and potentially, the ruling coalition would suffer from a fundamental leadership deficit.[20][21]
On August 1, 2018, Abune Merkorios, the fourth patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, returned to Ethiopia after being exiled to the United States in 1991 and was warmly received at Holy Trinity Cathedral Church in Addis Ababa. Abiy said, "the return of the Abune Merkorios is a joyous moment for all Ethiopians. The church has shown in deeds the fall of a wall of division that had split the church."[22]
Transparency
Since 2018, Abiy has expanded the freedom of the press by calling exiled media journalists to return to Ethiopia, especially from ESAT.[23][24][25][26][27][28][29] One of the media outlets invited to return was ESAT (which had previously called for the genocide of Ethiopian Tigrayans).[30][31][32] However, as of March 21, 2019, he had given one press conference,[33] and had yet to give another conference without refusing questions from journalists (rather than preparing statements).[34][35][36]
According to Human Rights Watch, Committee to Protect Journalists and Amnesty International, the Abiy government had arrested opposition journalists and closed media outlets, except for ESAT.[37][38][39][40][41][42] From the international media outlets, his government had suspended the press license of Reuters's correspondent. It issued a warning letter to the correspondents of both BBC and Deutsche Welle for what the government described as a "violation of the rules of media broadcasting".[43][44][45] In the UNESCO World Press Prize official ceremony on May 3, 2019, Abiy told to establish a "truly democratic political order and transform the media landscape" while avoiding misinformation.[46]
Ethiopia's freedom of the press declined in 2021 when 46 journalists were reportedly detained or repressed by the government. The disappearance of journalist Gobez Sisay in 2022 has provoked special controversy surrounding the case.[47]
Economic reforms
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In June 2018, Abiy announced the implementation of state-owned enterprises in various economic sectors, such as telecommunications, energy, and transportation. Abiy hoped to end unemployment through privatization and increasing foreign direct investment.[48] State monopolies include Ethiopian Airlines and Ethio Telecom, arguably an interest in privatization, and private sector competition ranges from aviation, electricity, and logistics sectors.[49]
Ethiopian Airlines, Africa's largest and most profitable, was offered for purchase by both domestic and foreign investors; although maintaining the majority of shares from these firms, the government planned to command the economy.[50] State-owned enterprises in less critical sectors, including railway operators, sugar, industrial parks, hotels and manufacturing firms, may be fully privatized.[51] The move was seen as a pragmatic measure from the past 2017 fiscal year, less than two months' worth of imports, to facilitate the sovereign debt load.[50]
In June 2018, Abiy initiated stock exchange in tandem.[52] Ethiopia registered the fastest economic growth until 2015 without any stock exchanges.[53] In June 2020, the finance minister drafted a bill to create a stock market economy and passed it on December 22, 2020.[54]
Security sector reforms
In June 2018, Abiy spoke to senior Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) senior commanders to reform the military strength and professions, effectively limiting the role in politics. Amnesty International requested that Ethiopia and international human rights groups dissolve the regional paramilitary force, namely the "Liyyu force".[55] A move considered in coronary to the TPLF hardliners, who occupied the military higher command.
Abiy also hoped to move forward the Ethiopian Navy into active duty, and so that landlocked Ethiopia would join the naval force. He said on state television "we should build our naval force capacity in the future."[57]
On June 7, 2018, Abiy reshuffled the armed forces, Chief of Staff Samora Yunis with Lieutenant General Se'are Mekonnen, National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS) director Getachew Assefa with General Adem Mohammed, National Security Advisor and former army chief Abadula Gemeda and Sebhat Nega. As a chief cofounder of the TPLF, Sebhat announced his retirement that May.Internet shutdowns
Internet shutdowns have increasingly prevailed under Abiy's administration. While supporters defend the action as a useful tool to control information and Blogspot, opponents have criticized it as a punitive technique. According to Human Rights Watch and NetBlocks, politically motivated shutdowns have been increasing severely despite the country's reliance on rapid digitalization and cellular internet connectivity in recent years. In 2020, internet shutdowns were "frequently deployed". Access Now states the shutdowns have become a "go-to tool for authorities to muzzle unrest and activism."[58] His government will cut the internet as and when "it's neither water nor air", said Abiy.[59][60]
Cabinet reshuffle
On October 16, 2018, Abiy reduced the size of ministers from 28 to 20 in a parliament session. Half the majority were females, marking an unprecedented move in the country's history. For instance, his new cabinet reshuffled Sahle-Work Zewde as the first female president, Aisha Mohammed Musa as the Ministry of Defense, and Muferiat Kamil as Ministry of Peace, oversight of intelligence and security agencies. In addition, Ethiopian writer and activist Billene Seyoum was the first press secretary of the Office of the Prime Minister.
Political party reform
The EPRDF administration consisted of four parties: the majority represented by ethnic groups. Examples, The Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), the Oromo People Democratic Organization (OPDO), the Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), and the Southern Ethiopian People's Democratic Movement (SEPDM). On November 21, 2019, Abiy formed his new Prosperity Party by merging four of EPRDF's parties:
- the Oromo Democratic Party (ODP)
- the Southern Ethiopian People's Democratic Movement (SEPDM)
- the Amhara Democratic Party (ADP)
- the Harari National League (HNL)
- the Ethiopian Somali Peoples Democratic Party (ESPDP)
- the Afar National Democratic Party (ANDP)
- the Gambella Peoples Unity Party (GPUP)
- the Benishangul Gumuz Peoples Democratic Party (BGPDP)
Abiy believes that the "Prosperity Party is committed to strengthening and applying a true federal system which recognizes the diversity and contributions of all Ethiopians".[61]
Foreign policy
During the 2017 Saudi Arabian purges, Abiy released about 1,000 Ethiopian prisoners following a request to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. He also discussed bilateral, regional, and global issues surrounding the two countries during two days visit.[62] Notable detainee includes billionaire Mohammed Hussein Al-Amoudi. In June 2018, Abiy met Egyptian president Abdel Fattah el-Sisi in Cairo. Similarly, he took another meeting with South Sudanese president Salva Kiir and rebel leader Riek Machar in Addis Ababa to encourage peace talks. Ethiopia also played a vital role in the regional bloc IGAD's wavering for the peace process in South Sudan.[63]
Djibouti and port agreement

In May 2018, Ethiopia announced its intention to take the Port of Djibouti, a gateway for trade, after the two countries had dealt with it. Djibouti had been seeking foreign investors due to the termination of Dubai's state-owned DP World concession and failure to compile a contract for six years.[64] The government announced it would take a 19% stake in Berbera Port, located in the unrecognized Republic of Somaliland, as part of a joint venture with DP World.[65] Two days later, Sudan agreed to grant Port Sudan to Ethiopia. The Ethio-Djibouti agreement allowed Djibouti to opt for stakes in state-owned Ethiopian firms, such as Ethio Telecom and Ethiopian Airlines.[66] This would be met after Abiy and Kenyan president Uhuru Kenyatta had reached to build an Ethiopian logistics facility at Lamu Port, part of the Lamu Port and Lamu-Southern Sudan-Ethiopia Transport Corridor (LAPSSET) project.[67] The potential normal relations with Eritrea would grant Port of Massawa and Asseb, which would benefit specifically northern Ethiopia, Tigray Region.
Eritrea

Since taking office, Abiy vigorously worked to end the Ethiopian–Eritrean conflict. In June 2018, the government announced it would hand over the disputed Badme to Eritrea. In June 2018, the government announced it would formally end the hostility between the two countries and comply with the 2000 Algiers Agreement. Both countries were in frozen conflict described as "no war, no peace" since the war killed tens of thousands of people. The BBC Tigrinya editor Samuel Gebrehiwot stated, "change could be on the cards, but few imagined it could happen this quickly".[68][69]
On 20 June 2018, Eritrean president Isaias Afewerki sent a high-level delegation to Addis Ababa to implement a peace agreement by Algiers Agreement. On 26 June, Eritrean Foreign Minister Osman Saleh Mohammed visited Addis Ababa for the first time in over two decades.[70] In Asmara on 8 July 2018, Abiy became the first leader to meet his counterpart Isaias Afewerk in the 2018 Eritrea–Ethiopia summit in over two decades. Abiy successfully ended the bilateral tension by signing the "Joint Declaration of Peace and Friendship", rejoicing in direct telecommunications, road, and aviation links, and using Massawa and Asseb.[71] Abiy was subsequently awarded an unprecedented Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 for these deeds.
Those relations were later deemed unimplemented, while some critics and even the Eritrean diaspora disapproved of the Nobel Peace Prize for such insignificant changes.[72] In July 2020, the Eritrean Ministry of Information criticized the treaty: "Two years after the signing of the Peace Agreement, Ethiopian troops continue to be present in our sovereign territories. Trade and economic ties of both countries have not resumed to the desired extent or scale."[73] On the other hand, anonymous Ethiopian officials alleged that both Abiy and Isaias had a secret plot against Tigray.[74]
Egypt

The disputed Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam has been a preoccupation of both countries. On 4 July 2018, a panel discussion was held at the headquarter of the council in Ethiopia with respective ambassadors to discuss the facilitation of foreign relations with Egypt and other Arab countries and coordinating with the private sector to serve Egyptian strategic interests. Abiy pledged the dam would not affect Egypt's shares of the Nile water that adhered to the 1959 Convention, a reversal of predecessor government decisions in a "more flexible" manner.[75] In a January 2022 letter, Abiy called on Sudan and Egypt to "nurture towards building peace, cooperation, mutual co-existence and development of all our people without harming one another. If there is a need to go to war, we could get millions readied."[76][77] By 2019, Egypt feared that the water flow would decrease, while the UN predicted Egypt would lose its water supply by 2025. However, Abiy rejected the concern underlining that "no force can stop the dam's completion".[78]
The murder of activist, singer and political icon Hachalu Hundessa ignited violence across Addis Ababa and other Ethiopian cities; Abiy hinted, without obvious suspects or clear motives for the killing, that Hundessa may have been murdered by Egyptian security agents acting on orders from Cairo to stir up trouble.[79] An Egyptian diplomat responded that Egypt "has nothing to do with current tensions in Ethiopia".[80] In a Time magazine article, Ian Bremmer wrote that Prime Minister Abiy "may just be looking for a scapegoat that can unite Ethiopians against a perceived common enemy".[79]
Civil conflicts
Ethnic clashes drastically increased during Abiy Ahmed's tenure. The first conflict was Gedeo–West Gurji, which displaced 1.4 million people, the highest violence-related displacement in 2018 caused by a shortage of food, farmland, and livestock supplements.[81] Awol Allo argues that when Abiy came to power in 2018, two irreconcilable and paradoxical future visions were created. Central of these ideological visions often contradicts the historical narrative of the Ethiopian state.[82]Abiy undertook significant reforms in the country, and the liberation was suspected of worsening the relationship with TPLF members.[83]
Amhara Region coup d'état attempt
On 22 June 2019, factions of the region's security forces attempted a coup d'état against the regional government, during which the President of the Amhara Region, Ambachew Mekonnen, was assassinated.[84] A bodyguard siding with the nationalist factions assassinated General Se'are Mekonnen – the Chief of the General Staff of the Ethiopian National Defense Force – as well as his aide, Major General Gizae Aberra.[84] The Prime Minister's Office accused Brigadier General Asaminew Tsige, head of the Amhara region security forces, of leading the plot,[85] and Tsige was shot dead by police near Bahir Dar on 24 June.[86]
Metekel conflict
Starting in June 2019, fighting in the Metekel Zone of the Benishangul-Gumuz Region in Ethiopia has reportedly involved militias from the Gumuz people.[87] Gumuz allegedly has formed militias such as Buadin and the Gumuz Liberation Front that have staged attacks.[88][89] According to Amnesty International, the 22–23 December 2020 attacks were by Gumuz against Amhara, Oromo and Shinasha, whom the Gumuz nationalists viewed as "settlers".[90]
October 2019 Ethiopian clashes
In October 2019, Ethiopian activist and media owner Jawar Mohammed claimed that members of the police had attempted to force his security detail to vacate the grounds of his home in Addis Ababa to detain him the night of 23 October, intimating that they had done so at the behest of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. The previous day, Abiy had given a speech in Parliament in which he had accused "media owners who don't have Ethiopian passports" of "playing it both ways", a thinly veiled reference to Jawar, adding that "if this is going to undermine the peace and existence of Ethiopia... we will take measures."[91][92]
Hachalu Hundessa riots
The murder of Oromo singer Hachalu Hundessa led to serious unrest across Oromia Region, Addis Ababa and Jimma from 30 June to 2 July 2020. The riots led to the deaths of at least 239 people, according to initial police reports.[93]
Tigray War
In early November 2020, an armed conflict began after 4 November Northern Command Attacks by TPLF security forces, prompting the ENDF to engage in war. The ENDF is supported by Eritrean Defence Force, Amhara and Afar Region special forces with other regional forces, while Tigray Special Force and Tigray Defense Force aided TPLF.[94][95][96][97][98][99][100][101] Hostilities between the central government and the TPLF escalated after the TPLF rejected the central government's decision to postpone the August 2020 elections to mid-2021 due to the COVID-19 pandemic, accusing the government of violating the Ethiopian constitution.[102]
The TPLF conducted its regional elections, winning all contested seats in the region's parliament.[103] In response, Abiy Ahmed redirected funding from the top level of the Tigray regional government to lower ranks to weaken the TPLF party.[104]
The central matter of the civil conflict, as portrayed by Abiy and as reported by Seku Ture, a member of the TPLF party, is an attack on the Northern Command bases and headquarters in the Tigray region by security forces of the TPLF,[105][106][107]the province's elected party; though such a claim is contested.
The Ethiopian government announced on 28 November 2020 that they had captured Mekelle, the capital of Tigray, completing their "rule of law operations".[108] However, there are reports that guerrilla-style conflict with the TPLF continues.[109][110]
According to the United Nations, about 2.3 million children are cut off from desperately needed aid and humanitarian assistance. The Ethiopian federal government has made strict control of access to the Tigray region (since the start of the conflict), and the UN said it is frustrated that talks with the Ethiopian government have yet to bring humanitarian access. These include "food, including ready-to-use therapeutic food for the treatment of child malnutrition, medicines, water, fuel and other essentials that are running low", said UNICEF.[111][112][113][114][115]
On 18 December 2020, looting was reported by EEPA, including 500 dairy cows and hundreds of calves stolen by Amhara forces.[116] On 23 November, a reporter from the AFP news agency visited the western Tigray town of Humera and observed that officials took over the administration of the conquered parts of Western Tigray from the Amhara Region.[117] Refugees interviewed by Agence France Presse (AFP) stated that the pro-tplf troops used Hitsats as a base for several weeks in November 2020, killing several refugees who wanted to leave the camp to get food and, in one incident, killed nine young Eritrean men in revenge for having lost a battle against the EDF.[118]
In his premature[119][120][121][122][123][124] victory speech delivered to the federal parliament[125] on 30 November 2020, Abiy Ahmed pronounced: "Related to civilian damage, maximum caution was taken in just three weeks of fighting, in any district, Humera, Adi Goshu, Axum, Edaga Hamus. The defence forces never killed a single civilian in a single town. No soldier from any country could display better competence."[126]
On 21 March 2021, during a parliamentary session in which Abiy Ahmed was questioned on sexual violence in the Tigray War, he replied: "The women in Tigray? These women have only been penetrated by men, whereas a knife penetrated our soldiers".[127] There is a fear that the people of Tigray – particularly the women – cannot live with what has been said, what has been admitted, and above all, with a Prime Minister who has endorsed a culture of rape."[127]
The public image of a Nobel Peace Prize winner is rapidly re-assessed by international media as increasingly grisly reports of atrocities emerge.[128] The US Secretary of State, Antony Blinken, has been quoted as saying that he had seen "very credible reports of human rights abuses and atrocities" and that "forces from Eritrea and Amhara must leave and be replaced by a force that will not abuse the human rights of the people of Tigray or commit acts of ethnic cleansing'." In December 2021, Declan Walsh reported in The New York Times that Abiy and Isaias had been secretly planning the Tigray War even before the former's Nobel Prize was awarded to settle their respective grudges against the TPLF.[129]
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Two tests of the new opening loom. The first is the willingness of state media to give equal time to the prime minister and his opponents in the elections next year. Another will be the openness of Abiy himself to scrutiny: he has given only one press conference and few interviews.
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Ethiopian Broadcasting Authority (EBA) has suspended the press license of Reuters correspondent in the country Giulia Paravicini, for an unspecified amount of time after a warning letter was issued to the correspondent.The Authority said that the decision has been due to the "false and biased" reporting by the news agency's correspondent on Ethiopia's current affairs and coverage of the fighting in the Tigray region, which "misleads the world and causes international pressure to mount on Ethiopia." The Authority has also issued a warning letter to the correspondents of both BBC and Deutsche Welle for what it described as "violation of the rules of media broadcasting."
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On 20 November, immigration officials in Addis Ababa summoned Crisis Group's Ethiopia Senior Analyst William Davison and informed him he would need to leave the country immediately. He flew to the UK in the early hours of 21 November. Ethiopian authorities have yet to offer a formal reason for the decision. In an earlier tweet, an official in the Prime Minister's office said Mr Davison's work permit had been revoked, citing alleged labour law breaches. Crisis Group has been transparent and truthful in all representations it has made regarding Mr Davison's employment. Ultimately, there is little doubt that the reason for his deportation relates to the current tense situation in the country and the authorities' increasing sensitivity to points of view that do not hew to its line. It is noteworthy that around the time Mr Davison was expelled, authorities also warned the news agency Reuters' Ethiopia correspondent and the BBC and Deutsche Welle stations. Mr. Davison's expulsion comes at a difficult and painful moment for Ethiopia. On 4 November, Africa's second-most populous country plunged into a serious conflict between federal troops and security forces from the Tigray region, one of Ethiopia's ten states. The conflict has already cost hundreds of lives and sent tens of thousands of refugees into neighbouring Sudan. Crisis Group and its analysts do not take sides. Their responsibility is to present as faithfully as possible the viewpoints of the relevant parties; their mandate is to prevent and resolve deadly conflicts; their duty is to the civilians caught in their midst. Accordingly, and from the outset, Crisis Group has sought to explain the perspectives of the federal authorities and of the Tigrayan leadership, pressed for an end to hostilities, and kept urging the parties to explore a negotiated solution and resolve their differences through political means.
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As fighting continues "in many parts" of Ethiopia's Tigra, according to the United Nations, Tigray's regional president Debretsion Gebremichael told FRANCE 24 that the northern region would continue fighting as long as federal "invaders" are on Tigrayan soil. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed announced military operations in the northern region of Tigray a month ago, saying they targeted the leaders of its ruling party, the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF). Gebremichael believes neighbouring Eritrea is playing a key role in the conflict. "They already have 16 divisions in Tigray. They are fighting on the side of the federal army... They have a united front against us. Wherever you go, they are there." "We are in our homeland, the invaders are attacking us, by air or by artillery fire." Gebremichael also claimed that Eritrean forces had taken part in mass lootings, a report denied by both Eritrea and Ethiopia. "They have taken laboratory equipment, computers, books. They have gone to one factory of medicine," Gebremichael told FRANCE 24's, Nicolas Germain. The month-long conflict has claimed thousands of lives, according to the International Crisis Group (ICG), and tens of thousands of refugees have streamed across the border into Sudan. The UN has been warning of a possible humanitarian catastrophe within Tigray, though a communications blackout has made it difficult to assess conditions on the ground.
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Adding to the deadly mix are the involvement of rival ethnic militia groups. One of them is the Fano, a militia from the Amhara ethnic group. Along with Amhara regional government security forces, Fano took part in the intervention in Tigray, Mr. Davison said. While Fano is a term loosely used to refer to young Amhara militias or protesters, Mr. Davison added that it is also "the name given to youthful Amhara vigilante groups that become more active during times when there is perceived to be insecurity that is not being managed by the authorities."
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Refugees in the camp reel off accounts of horror they either witnessed themselves or heard from others. In a makeshift ward in a room near the back of the camp, some show wounds they say were caused by knife and machete attacks by Fano militia.
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Some 2.3 million children in Tigray, Ethiopia, remain cut off from humanitarian assistance amid continuing violence since the beginning of November.We are extremely concerned that the longer access to them is delayed, the worse their situation will become as supplies of food, including ready-to-use therapeutic food for the treatment of child malnutrition, medicines, water, fuel, and other essentials run low. Protecting these children, many of whom are refugees and internally displaced, and providing them with humanitarian aid must be a priority.Together with our humanitarian partners, we stand ready to provide lifesaving humanitarian support, including treatment for malnourished children, critical vaccines, emergency medicines, and water and sanitation supplies. We have already provided some supplies to a number of partners in Tigray, but this is not enough. We need to be able to provide support at scale in Tigray and to have full access to determine the scale of children's needs.We call for urgent, sustained, unconditional, and impartial humanitarian access to all families in need wherever they are.We also urge authorities to allow the free movement of civilians wishing to seek safety elsewhere. This includes those requesting to cross the border to seek international protection.Meeting the critical needs of children and women must not be delayed any longer.
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"It's somewhat frustrating to say that we have not been able to go in, we have not been able to reach people that we know are in need," said UN spokesman Stephane Dujarric. "Days wasted by a lack of agreement or a lack of green light for us is just one more day of suffering for the people who need help." At the request of the United States and European members, the Security Council held an informal, closed-door video conference on Monday on the humanitarian situation in Tigray. "We need full, safe, unhindered access for humanitarian workers. We have information that refugee camps will run out of food by the end of this week," said Germany's UN ambassador Christoph Heusgen after the meeting. "We have information that refugees are prevented from fleeing to Sudan... There are also reports that Eritrean soldiers appear to control some movement of refugees in the Eritrean border region. Again, all this must stop." According to diplomats, China and African members of the Security Council – South Africa, Niger, and Tunisia – opposed the publication of a statement on Tigray requested by Germany, Estonia, and the Dominican Republic. Abiy has resisted calls for mediation to end the conflict, which has left thousands dead, according to the International Crisis Group think tank, and has driven 50,000 refugees into Sudan.
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Aid access:- The UN Security Council on Monday held an informal meeting on the humanitarian situation in Ethiopia's Tigray region, where the majority of humanitarian organizations are not allowed to enter. A humanitarian crisis is unfolding on such a scale that organizations are afraid of what they will find once allowed in.
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Western leaders prefer to see peace in Africa as the work of inspirational individuals. In some cases, this is warranted. In Abiy's case, it was premature, to say the least.
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At the same time, Abiy is trying to shore up his popular support in the rest of Ethiopia. And though his quick declaration of victory appeared premature to outside observers, it seemed designed to rally his supporters and serve as a warning to other restive ethnic factions that might have been feeling emboldened to take on his administration
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It seems that Prime Minister Ahmed's victory speech is worryingly premature. Not for the legitimacy of the current Ethiopian government, but for the thousands of refugees caught in the crossfire. It remains likely that this conflict will develop into guerrilla warfare by the TPLF, potentially drawing the conflict out for several months, if not years. Within this Guerrilla conflict, civilians will inevitably be caught in the crossfire as fighting will likely be most prominent in civilian areas. Before further potential violence ensues, both the TPLF and Ethiopian government should recognize that the protection of civilians in this conflict is paramount and employ necessary measures to ensure civilian safety, including stopping indiscriminate bombardments, and putting military facilities near civilian areas and targeting civilian facilities. Both sides should also grant unobstructed access to humanitarian organizations that can provide aid and supplies for those in need and restore communication channels to ensure transparency by both groups.
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It is unfortunate that the mainstay of political leaders is to balance out multiple, often conflicting, interests of different, often conflicting, stakeholders. Even well-intentioned individuals can find their hands tied due to a lack of institutional support. The contention remains, however, that rewarding them far too quickly and simply for formal—not substantive—commitment to ideals of peace, justice, and security is an ineffective means of deterring them from future actions that might, unfortunately, result in a deviation from such ideals. Similarly, awarding the representative of a particular regime simply to express rejection of another remains an unjustified, premature move—unless the future actions of the present regime reliably demonstrate their commitment to achievable, measurable, and sustainable solutions towards peace, justice, and security in the first place. This cannot be said to be the case for recent laureates and nominees.
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In the run-up to the selection of Abiy, Tigrayans were tired of accusations, and when Abiy came to power, they thought they would be spared. That is why he was well-received in Tigray. They started to heave a collective sigh of relief, but that was premature. The reverse happened. Anti-Tigrayan propaganda and rhetoric grew and became normalized in media and official forums. The TPLF, or shadowy forces tied to it, were blamed for almost every violent incident and problem the country faced, helping to allow Amhara and Oromo rivals to keep focused on a common enemy, and casting suspicion on Tigrayans as a whole
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For a moment, Abiy's premiership appeared to be new dawn over one of the world's poorest countries. But within weeks of accepting the Nobel Peace Prize, Abiy already was deploying the language of a very different leader -- saying that Ethiopia was "readied" for war with Egypt over an ongoing dispute over the Nile dam. Citing "domestic concerns," he refused to take questions publicly after the award. Very quickly, it became clear at home that Abiy's intentions were quite different from his international image. "In terms of the Nobel itself, it is very difficult to think of a political leader who was awarded the prize that conducted himself in the same manner," Allo said. "[It is] now very clear that all accolades and praises showered on him, including by myself, were premature."
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At the end of November, Mr Abiy had told parliament that "not a single civilian was killed" during the conflict. The defence forces never killed a single civilian in a single town
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We were on target, 99 percent. There was no collateral damage on 99 percent of the operation. We never fired on uncertainties - for example, during nights, because, what if children die, they are ours - the enemy assumed we use drones only for firing because they didn't know the capacity of the special forces and the air force. But we used drones in 90 percent of the cases to monitor their movements." MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT SEATED (SOUNDBITE) (Amharic) ETHIOPIAN PRIME MINISTER, ABIY AHMED, SAYING: "The defence forces never killed a single person in a single town. No soldier from any country could display better competence. We have disciplined heroic soldiers. There was a lot of campaigning saying that we would demolish Mekelle. Mekelle is ours, built with our resources. How can we destroy it? No one got in harm's way in the Mekelle operation. The special forces conducted a special surgery in Mekelle." ABIY AT PODIUM MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT SEATED (SOUNDBITE) (Amharic) ETHIOPIAN PRIME MINISTER, ABIY AHMED, SAYING: "We didn't fire a single rocket in the Tigray region. We have double what they have in terms of numbers. On whom do we fire rockets? A rocket travels kilometres out of your sight before it falls somewhere. You can't be sure what it does to whom. But our pilots, they go and come back, loaded with their bombs, if they think there's a risk on civilians - because they can decide, we can also make decisions by watching with drones - we won't do it. But it can be dangerous when it comes to rockets. Even though we had a higher number of them we didn't use them because it is our country. We are not a junta.
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Earlier this month, MSF said most of the more than 100 health facilities it had visited across Tigray had been looted, vandalised and destroyed in a deliberate and widespread attack on healthcare. What Abiy has insisted was a military operation against 'criminals' has instead emerged as a bitter conflict waged against millions of civilians, with mass attacks and sexual violence driven by ethnic and historic regional divisions. The military campaign against the TPLF, whom Abiy accused of attacking federal military camps and aiming to destabilise the country, has quickly recast the image of one of Africa's youngest leaders who was awarded the Nobel peace prize for ending the long conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea.
- Walsh, Declan (15 December 2021). "The Nobel Peace Prize That Paved the Way for War". Archived from the original on 2021-12-15. Retrieved 20 December 2021.