Eritrea under Isaias Afwerki

On 21 January 2013, approximately 100 unknown soldiers broke into "Forto", the building of the information ministry correspondent on the state television, Eri-TV, and surrounded the staff. They forced the station director, Asmelash Abraha, to read a demand to release all prisoners of conscience and jailed political prisoners, and soliciting an implementation of the 1997 constitution. After he read two sentences, the signal went off-air. Isaias safeguards urged to protect him and his palace, and his airport. Shortly at 10 am, Eri-TV returned to broadcast informing the viewers of an ongoing snowstorm in Paris. The mutiny subsided after the government willingly negotiated with soldiers and the release of the ministry's employee.[6]

During the Ethiopian Civil War, the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) initially viewed Eritreans as great inspirations and received assistance for their independence. By the 1980s and 1990s, the TPLF almost emerged as powerful rebel groups that grew in military skills and implementation of distinctive policies and conceptions in revolutionary struggle. Varied stances alienated both groups and eventually broke up in 1985.[12]

Demolished rocket launcher vehicle preserved as a relic of Eritrean–Ethiopian War (1998–2000)

Eritrea has engaged border conflicts in since its independence, notably the Badme War, which was opened after Eritrea invaded Ethiopia over the disputed border of Badme on 6 May 1998, resulting in ten thousand death within two years.[13] On 12 December 2000, Eritrea signed Algiers Agreement to end the war, but the two countries remained in stalemate in what described as "war footing". and "no-war-no-peace" with the absence of foreign and domestic policy domination. Eritrea has security concerns about Ethiopia, particularly supporting Eritrean opposition groups, albeit they are weak and fractured. On the other hand, Isaias tactically uses the disputed border to keep a war footing and justify indefinite mass mobilisation and repression. Eritrea also supported the Ethiopian rebel groups, such as the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) in order to undermine Ethiopian influence over the region. In Somalia, Eritrea has trained, armed, and financed militias opposed to the government of Ethiopia during the transitional government. The UN Monitoring Group on Somalia reported an embargo against Eritrea, along with Ethiopia and other states.[14]

In late 2008, their relationship was deemed strained and the Ethiopian Border Commission (EEBC) without delimitation of the border on November 2007; the United Nations Missions in Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE) terminated its mandate in 2008, and Eritrean troops ephemerally occupied the Temporary Security Zone. Ethiopia remained in control of EEBC's demarcation border in the side of Eritrea's border, and reached the most important border, Badme, causing mass mobilisation and high concentration of both troops in the area.[15]

Eritrea's unchanged stance would reinforce EEBC'S decision backed by international laws while Ethiopia remained in adherence of de facto by virtue, and with strong relations to the UN.[15] The 20-year stalemate was ended after Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power in 2018, who signed a "joint declaration of peace and friendship" bilateral summit on 9 July, restoring discontinued diplomatic and trade ties with Eritrea.[16] It includes reopening of Burre to access the landlocked Ethiopia Port of Eritrea and furtherly Zalambessa also opened to allow trade route, and access to Ethio telecom and the Ethiopian Airlines.[17] On 16 September, President Abiy signed another peace treaty with Isaias in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. According to the Saudi Foreign Minister Adel al-Jubeir on Twitter, the agreement "will contribute to strengthening security and stability in the region at large".[18]

Relations with Sudan are generally favorable with the mutual support of opposition groups and normalized in 2006.[14] During the Ethiopian Civil War, Sudan hosted both ELF and EPLF and sent official representatives to liberated Eritrea until December 1991. In 1989, former Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir seized power with the help of the National Islamic Front (NIF) led by Hassan Al-Turabi, which opposed the EPLF and Eritrean military force in favor of the Eritrean Islamic Jihad Movement (EIJM) to cement Islamic government in the Horn of Africa. In August 1994, the two countries signed a non-interference treaty, but soon accusations comes from Eritrea, claiming Sudan allowed EIJM fighters to camouflage as Eritrean refugees. From December 1994, Sudan–Eritrea relations deteriorated; the PFDJ hosted a conference of Sudanese opposition forces in Asmara in June 1995, to revive the suspended Sudanese National Democratic Alliance (NDA), a coalition party adverse to President Al-Bashir, and launch an armed struggle against NIF-controlled Sudanese government. The NDA hosted the former Sudanese embassy in Asmara and set up its military camps in western Eritrea. In January 1997, NDA opened a new front on the Eritrea–Sudan border, where Eritrea accused Sudan of an assassination plot against Isais in June.[19]

By late 1999, through a mediation process by Qatar, the two relations subsided despite not long as the Ethio-Eritrean War. The war would spill over when Ethiopian troops used Sudanese territory and airspace to fight Eritrea. In response, Eritrea revived support for NDA to aid rebel forces in Darfur and the Sudan Government Liberation Movement (SPLM) in southern Sudan. Finally, in January 2005, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the Sudanese government and SPLM helped Eritrea to mediate and they facilitated relations between the two countries. From a background, the two relations remained tense, accusing each other's counterpart of backing armed forces: Khartoum accused Asmara for support of rebel groups in southern, eastern and western Sudan, whereas Asmara accused Khartoum of supporting the far-right Eritrean Islamic Salvation Movement (Eritrean Islamic Jihad) in attacks of Western Eritrea. The Eritrean government believed that EIJ was supported by National Islamic Front in Khartoum, and by Eritrean support for the Sudanese opposition coalition, the National Democratic Alliance. Since 2006, their relations have steadily shown improvement within the past few years; even creating closer relations between Isaias and al-Bashir. President al-Bashir visited Eritrea for the first time in March 2009, and Isaias visited Sudan in October 2011.[19]

After that month, al-Bashir announced an end of border tension during the inauguration of the road connecting the two countries. In June 2013, Isaias announced a free-trade zone partnership with Sudan and an extension of the highway along with Port Sudan and electricity provision from Sudan to the towns in western Eritrea.[19]

On 10 May 2014, Sudan's state-owned news agency Sudan News Agency announced during Isaias visit to the Al Jeili oil refinery that Sudan agreed to supply Eritrea with fuel and boost economic partnership. In addition to that, it was reported that the Sudanese Electricity Company planned to supply a 45 km power line that stretches from Kassala to the Eritrean town Teseney.[20] On 4 May 2021, Isaias visited Khartoum for a discussion over the ongoing border dispute between Ethiopia and Sudan. In conversation with the Head of Sudan's Sovereign Council Gen. Abdel-Fattah al-Burhan, they raised regional issues and the long-time dispute over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam.[21]

Shaded relief map of Djibouti, original from 1991, with the border between Ethiopia and Eritrea added in 2006.

The relations between Eritrea and Djibouti trace back to 1991. In April 1996, both countries waged war when Djibouti claimed Eritrea had shelled Ras Doumeira, a small village bounded by the Afar Region of Ethiopia. Another accusation, is that Eritrea has aimlessly redrawn the area in the map incorporating within its territory, which is defined by unilateral decision. Eritrea denied the territorial claims and accusations. The conflict further worsened by May 1996 when Eritrean forces retreated from the area and Djibouti retracted the allegations. The Ethio-Eritrean War opened a dilemmatic scenario for Djibouti, constituting both a threat and an opportunity. Since then, Ethiopia immediately diverted to Djibouti through the use of trade via Eritrean ports, greatly benefiting economic ties in accordance with the 1996 protocol. In 1999, Djibouti and Ethiopia signed a military cooperation protocol in which the raise of President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh strengthened these ties.[22]

In 1998, Eritrea accused Djibouti of accessing the port to Ethiopia to supply military equipment in the war. In June 1998, Djibouti deployed military force in the northern area to avoid any incursion during the war. Some French troops were officially involved with Djiboutian troops there. In 1999, France sent two frigates to patrol any incursion toward Ethiopia and Eritrea. Djiboutian President Hassan Gouled Aptidon’s attempt to mediate the Ethio-Eritrean War in June 1998, however, during the Organization of African Unity (OAU) summit in November 1998, was rejected by Eritrea for not sufficiently being independent. At the time, Djibouti worsened its relations with Eritrea by expelling its ambassadors. Tekest Ghebrai, an Eritrean national and the former executive secretary of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) was dismissed to Djibouti.[22]

The December 1997 treaty was deemed too faint to strengthen their relations and to increase the contract for five years. Accusation resurfaced in 1999 when Eritrea accused Djibouti of siding with Ethiopia, and Djibouti alleged Eritrea's support of Djiboutian rebel groups and intensifying Ras Doumeira area, which Eritrea denied. The rapprochement between the two countries returned in March 2000 following mediation by Libya. In 2001, President Isaias visited Djibouti and President Guelleh made a vice versa visit. This visit created a joint cooperative commission that would hold an annual review. President Guelleh sought a friendly relationship with Eritrea, if not neutral, recognizing power imbalance, especially military imbalance prevailed to these nations.[22]

On 22 April 2008, President Guelleh visited the disputed area, and the Djiboutian Foreign Ministry claimed that the Eritrean position lay several kilometers in the Djiboutian territory. Eritrea subsequently denied the accusation of its soldiers had dug trenches, and on 24 April 2008, military officials met to compare the border map. Djibouti had little choice to defend instead, of sending troops to the area. On 9 May 2008, President Guelleh warned that the "two armies are facing each other", and the situation was. more explosive. He also stated that there were hostile forces to dismantle Djiboutian sovereignty. With Qatari mediation, there are some reports of the two diplomatic activities. On 23 April 2008, the two counterparts reported to have met to discuss the skirmish and agreed to resolve the confrontation in peaceful negotiation.[22]

In July 2018, Eritrea and Somalia opened diplomatic relations for the first time. On 28 July 2018, Somalian president Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed "Farmaajo" met with President Isaias in Asmara that took three-day official visit. On the visit, Somalia expressed solidarity with Eritrea in diplomatic and political agenda in international politics.[23]