Nakedness and colonialism

Nakedness and colonialism is about the role of the unclothed bodies of Indigenous peoples in the history of contact with Western cultures and the emergence of concepts of race. In all human societies, bodily adornments of many kinds are part of nonverbal communications, indicating social status, wealth, and particular roles.

In tropical climates, clothing is uncomfortable due to heat and humidity, while in hot deserts only covering the head and shoulders may be needed as protection from the sun. In hot climates generally, Indigenous adornments are body paint, modifications such as tattoos and scarification, and jewelry rather than clothing. Before colonization, the upper bodies of both men and women were uncovered in everyday activities, while children would be nude until puberty. Activities that would soil or damage clothing were performed nude, as was bathing; without regard to age or gender. Modesty was maintained by behaviors rather than clothing. Dressing was reserved for formal occasions or ceremonies.[1]

Having no context for understanding these behaviors, Europeans made interpretations based upon their own experiences and biases, which were ambivalent. In the Ancient Civilizations of the Mediterranean, the mild climate had allowed for customs of clothing and adornments similar to the tropics, with only the higher classes habitually dressed. Classical Greek and Roman cultures allowed nudity in many situations, which were depicted in art. Only the Abrahamic religions viewed the body as shameful, modesty requiring being fully clothed except in private spaces or when segregated by sex. In the post-classical period, public nakedness was associated not only with low status, but with evil based upon Christian and Muslim beliefs.[2]

The effects of colonialism continue in societies that have difficulties retaining or reestablishing Indigenous cultural practices that include traditional dress or nakedness.

Colonization and race

Because clothing and body adornments are such an important part of non-verbal communications, the relative lack of body coverings was one of the first things explorers noticed when they encountered indigenous peoples of the tropics. The contact between Western cultures and the Indigenous cultures of Africa, the Americas and Oceania had a significant effect on each.[3] Western ambivalence about the human body could be expressed by responding to the nakedness of natives as either a sign of rampant sexuality or of the innocence that preceded the Fall of man.[4] One of the enduring stereotypes of non-western others is the "naked savage".[5]

Ambivalence included geography and biology. Some imagined the tropics as "paradise" but others viewed it as primitive, and temperate climates as more complex. Based upon evolutionary theory, in the 19th century it was recognized by some that humanity had originated in the tropics based upon anatomical similarities to apes. Even Charles Darwin thought that it was migration to less hospitable climates that offered the challenges that promoted further development.[6] Lacking knowledge of genetics, colonial beliefs tended toward polygenism, that each race of humans had been a separate creation, which required either a reinterpretation of Genesis or a denial of Darwinism.[7]

Colonialism is the domination of one culture by another, which has occurred throughout history as one society extended control over neighboring territories. This process expanded as technologies for navigation and transport allowed for contact with more distant parts of the world. The justifications of European expansion began in the 1500s in the context of religion and folklore that included beliefs in demons and half-human monsters. By the 18th century European thought was embracing ideas of social progress from primitive to agriculture to industrialization. Many Europeans justified colonization as spreading civilization rather than as conquest.[8] In his diaries during an expedition to the Pacific coast in 1791, Alejandro Malaspina writes of the European response to the nakedness and odd dress of the southwest natives, ranging from amusement to hostility, and Western clothes being a metaphor for civilization. He was particularly disturbed by some native men dressing as women.[9]

Non-western cultures during the early modern period were naked only by comparison to Western norms. The genitals or entire lower body of adults might be covered in many situations, while the upper body of both men and women would usually be unclothed. However, lacking the western concept of shame regarding the body, complete nudity in public for practical or ceremonial purposes was common. Children until puberty and sometimes women until marriage might be naked as having "nothing to hide".[10]

From the 17th century, European explorers viewed the lack of clothing they encountered in Africa and Oceania as representative of a primitive state of nature, justifying their own superiority, even as they continued to admire the beauty of Greek statues. A distinction was made by colonizers between idealized nudity in art and the nakedness of Indigenous people, which was uncivilized and indicative of racial inferiority.[11][12]

In addition to nakedness, skin color became a marker of difference. Some indigenous peoples had skin no darker than that seen in Southern Europe, or among workers tanned by the sun, thus their nakedness was interpreted as being uncivilized or of low status, but essentially human. The darker skin and other superficial differences in African and Australian peoples could be interpreted as being less than human.[3]

The modern concept of race began to emerged in the 15th century with the establishment of a Christian kingdom in Spain, expelling the Jews and Muslims. There having been many converts, lineage became the test of inclusion in the kingdom rather than profession of faith. As the natural sciences developed, humans were divided into groups based upon additional characteristics such as facial features and hair texture, not by skin tone alone.[13]

Africa

East Africa

In 2014 the parliament of Uganda passed an anti-pornography law which included a dress code outlawing "immoral" clothing that exposes the intimate parts of the body.[14] This law was enforced in the capital, Kampala, by male vigilantes, while the Karamajong people continued to dress untouched by western values, but celebrate the human body and acceptance of nakedness. In other traditional societies of the region such as the Samburu and Turkana in Kenya, the Nuba of Southern Sudan, and many others continue to dress appropriately for the climate.[15] The dress code was defended as addressing the problem of sexual assaults, which women protested, pointing out not only it unfairly place the responsibility for assaults on women rather than men, but was inconsistent with the fact that for centuries women had worn little clothing, but rape had been rare.[14]

Southern Africa

The South African province of Natal (now KwaZulu-Natal) was a British colony until 1994. The Christian missionaries among the white colonial minority pursued the policy of civilizing the Zulu majority, imposing Western clothing being a visible symbol of this effort. Indigenous peoples resisted by either wearing clothing inappropriately or reverting to their traditional attire when not at the mission station.[16]

West Africa

Initially Islam exerted little influence beyond large towns, outside of which pagan norms continued. In travels in Mali in the 1350s, Muslim scholar Ibn Battuta was shocked by the casual relationships between men and women even at the court of Sultans, and the public nudity of female slaves and servants.[17]

Dressing Africans in European clothes to cover their nakedness was part of converting them to Christianity.[18]

In the 19th century, photographs of naked Indigenous peoples began circulating in Europe without a clear distinction between those created as commercial curiosities (or erotica) and those claiming to be scientific, or ethnographic images. Given the state of photography, it is unclear which images were posed, rather than being representative of everyday attire.[19][20] George Basden, a missionary and ethnographer who lived with the Igbo people of Nigeria published two volumes of photographs in the 1920s and 1930s. The book described images of unclothed but elaborately decorated Igbo women as indicating their high status as eligible brides who would not have thought of themselves as naked.[21]

In ethnographic research done in 1950-51, members of the Ibibio people of Nigeria were open about sexuality. There were many who remembered the arrival of the first white people in 1901. All children were naked until puberty, and then wore only a loincloth until marriage. Women did not cover their breasts while working. Adult clothing for both sexes was a cloth that reached the ground. Having no shame in the body, both sexes openly bathed nude. Sexual behavior was however strict, premarital intercourse being frowned upon and adultery being a crime.[22]

The Americas

Although credited with the "discovery" of the Americas, Columbus had little importance in the subsequent history of the continents. He had little interest in the land or people, but in finding resources to exploit and establishing trade. He never gave up the idea that the lands he encountered were part of Asia.[23] In his diaries, Christopher Columbus writes that the natives of Guanahani, his first landing; were entirely naked, both men and women, and gentle. This also meant that they were seen as less than fully human, and exploitable.[24]

North America

Indigenous peoples of the Americas had no associations of sexuality or nudity with shame or sin. European colonizers became aware of other practices, including premarital and extramarital sex, homosexuality, and cross-dressing, that motivated their efforts to convert Natives to Christianity. However, characterization of others as savage may have been to justify conquest and displacement.[25] Many early colonists did not view Native Americans as distinctly different in color from themselves, and thus could be assimilated into colonial society following conversion.[26] Colonists could view natives as either docile or violent, justifying their preference for conversion or extermination.[27]

The Aztec city Tenochtitlán reached a population of eighty thousand before the arrival of the Spanish in 1520. Built on an island in Lake Texcoco, it was dependent upon hydraulic engineering for agriculture, which also supplied bathing facilities with both steam baths (temazcales) and tubs. The conquistadors viewed indigenous bathing practices, which included both men and women entering temazcales naked, in terms of paganism and sexual immorality and sought to eradicate them. In the Yucatan, Mayan men and women bathed in rivers with little concern for modesty. Yet in spite of the number of hot springs in the region, there is no mention of their use for bathing by indigenous peoples.[28]

Brazil

Two women of the Zo'é tribe of Pará State, Brazil

Some Indigenous peoples of the Amazon remained uncontacted into the 20th century, maintaining their cultural traditions, including dress. Now, their contact with outsiders is mainly loggers exploiting the forest.[29]

Asia

Southeast Asia

Sea Dayaks (Iban) women from Malaysia (1910)

Oceania

The introduction of woven cloth to the Pacific islands had varied effects in different cultures. While missionaries viewed body coverings in terms of progress toward conversion to Christianity, native cultures integrated the new technology into their existing customs of body adornment. Pre-contact clothing was made from bark cloth which is fragile, particularly when wet. The new cloth was popular, but used only when needed, which did not include preserving modesty, and thus could be removed as necessary.[30]

Australia

Arrernte people welcoming dance, Alice Springs, Central Australia, 9 May 1901
Aboriginal people at Cape Dombey, north of Port Keats, Northern Territory (1905)

Aboriginal Australians in 1819 wore only the jackets they were given, but not pants.[31]

Missionaries and anthropologists came to Central Australia much later than other regions, it being sparsely populated due to scarce water resources. The first Europeans arrived in the late 1870s with a second wave in the 1930s. Aboriginal peoples welcomed clothing, but made use of it in ways disconcerting to outsiders. The 19th century missionaries pursued a policy of cultural conversion that included proper dress, but in the 20th century anthropologists were more accepting of nakedness.[32]

In an autobiography by an Arrernte man in 1950, he does not describe his people as naked. Instead, he reports that children were taught behaviors appropriate to each gender that maintained modesty without clothing, such as sitting facing away from others. These behaviors were not known or understood by Europeans at the time. He also described the missionaries trying to prevent an Arrernte ceremony which involved the men being naked with their bodies painted with sacred markings. The missionaries refused to give them food until they had dressed.[32]

As the 20th century continued, it was found that clothing had results that were the opposite of what was intended. When aboriginal children had grown up naked, they had little interest in sexuality until adulthood, but clothing made them more sexually aware and precocious.[32]

Indonesia

Balinese family, 1929
Group portrait of a Balinese family (1929)

Bali

A book by a German national serving as a medical doctor in the Netherlands East Indies army between 1912 and 1914 describes the island of Bali as an "Eden" for Western visitors. His praise includes the beauty of Balinese women, who were bare-breasted in everyday life and unclothed while bathing. Both men and women covered their upper bodies in some situations, such as in a temple.[33]

Soon, the Dutch colonial administration began issuing conflicting orders regarding proper dress, which had limited effect due to some Balinese supporting tradition, others modernization.[34]

Melanesia

Women of Mioko Island, Papua New Guinea, c. 1900
Fijian girl (1908)

Polynesia

Depictions of naked savages entered European popular culture in the 18th century in popular stories of tropical islands. In particular, Europeans became fascinated by the image of the Pacific island woman with bare breasts.[35] While much was made of Polynesian nakedness, European cloth was welcomed as part of traditions of wrapping the body.[36][37] Into the 20th century, the people of Pukapuka continued to be naked until adulthood.[38]

Hawaii

Christian missionaries had a great influence, establishing alternative villages for their families, building schools as well as churches, and employing native women as domestics. Proper dress was a prerequisite for receiving these benefits, although not observed consistently. Hawaiian women thought of clothes as decoration, not for covering their nakedness, and often removed them for work or bathing.[39]

The practice of surfing originally was part of native ritual, and was done naked. This was forbidden by Christian missionaries, putting an end to surfing for a period of time.[40]

New Zealand

Māori people prior to European colonization wore woven cloaks and kilts for protection from the weather and to denote social status. However, very little of the human body had to be concealed for modesty's sake. In informal settings, men went naked except for a belt with a piece of string attached holding their foreskin shut over their glans penis. Women covered their pubic area with small aprons or bunches of fragrant plant material when in the presence of men – although these parts could be exposed in the gesture of contempt known as whakapohane. Pre-pubescent children wore no clothes at all. There was no shame or modesty attached to women's breasts, and therefore no garments devoted to concealing them; the colourful woven bodices (pari) now worn in kapa haka performances became standard costume only in the 1950s.

The European colonists regarded nudity as an obscenity. The nakedness of Māori was cited, often in the phrase "naked savages", as a sign of their racial inferiority, which in turn was seen as casting into doubt the validity of the Treaty of Waitangi.[41][42][43][44][45]

Post-colonialism

Although foreign control of former colonies has largely ended, colonialism continues to have an effect. Two Nigerian theologians have found agreement regarding modest dress in traditional African practices and Judeo-Christian values, and see contemporary globalization as eroding both.[46] With the passage of a dress code in Uganda that is enforced in the cities of Kampala and Entebbe, it is now European visitors that are often seen as improperly dressed.[14][47]

With the independence of Ghana from English rule in 1957, the first Prime Minister Kwame Nkrumah and his political party began a program that sought to eliminate undesirable practices including female genital mutilation, human trafficking, prostitution, and nudity.[48] Nudity was practiced by the Frafra, Dagarti, Kokomba, Builsa, Kassena and Lobi peoples in the Northern and Upper Regions of the country. Although the stated opposition to nudity was its association with harmful practices, its prevalence as a tradition was seen as detrimental to Ghana's reputation in the world and economic development, nakedness being associated with primitive backwardness. However anti-nudity efforts also promoted the equal status of women.[49] Some traditional practices remain, the Sefwi people of Ghana performing a ritual, "Be Me Truo" that includes dancing, singing and drama by nude women to avert disaster and promote fertility.[50]

Ethnotourism

Western tourists often come to the tropics with expectations based upon their prejudices rather than the authentic way of life of Indigenous peoples. Tourism companies may provide performances that satisfy these expectations, but also find resistance from groups within each county that have different conceptions of post-colonialism.[51]

An annual event that draws thousands of tourists is Umkhosi woMhlanga or "Reed Dance" in Eswatini. Thousands of Zulu girls participate in a ceremony representing their pledge to virginity before marriage, wearing traditional dress which does not cover their breasts.[52] At tourist "villages" that are part of resorts, Zulu teenager girls perform bare-chested in traditional dress.[53] While primarily seeing this as an expression of their culture, they are not unaware of being sexualized by male tourists.[54]

References

Works cited

  • Adeyanju, James Olubbenga; Bello, Ben Olusoa (2017). "Biblical Virtues, African Culture, and Globalization". Afro Asian Journal of Social Sciences. 8 (4): 18. ISSN 2229-5313.
  • Arnold, David (1 March 2000). ""Illusory Riches": Representations of the Tropical World, 1840-1950". Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography. 21 (1). doi:10.1111/1467-9493.00060. ISSN 0129-7619.
  • Beaglehole, Pearl (1939). "Brief Pukapukan Case History". The Journal of the Polynesian Society. 48 (3): 135–143. JSTOR 20702767.
  • Cammaert, Jessica (2016). Undesirable Practices: Women, Children, and the Politics of the Body in Northern Ghana, 1930-1972. Expanding frontiers. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 978-0-8032-8694-8.
  • Gilligan, Ian (13 December 2018). Climate, Clothing, and Agriculture in Prehistory: Linking Evidence, Causes, and Effects. Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/9781108555883. ISBN 978-1-108-47008-7. S2CID 238146999.
  • Hollander, Anne (1978). Seeing Through Clothes. New York: Viking Press. ISBN 0140110844.
  • James, Michael; Burgos, Adam (2022). "Race". In Edward N. Zalta (ed.). The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Spring 2022 ed.). Metaphysics Research Lab, Stanford University. Retrieved 30 March 2023.
  • Jolly, Margaret; Macintyre, Martha (24 November 1989). Family and Gender in the Pacific: Domestic Contradictions and the Colonial Impact. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-34667-2.
  • Kohn, Margaret; Reddy, Kavita (2023). "Colonialism". In Edward N. Zalta; Uri Nodelman (eds.). The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Spring 2023 ed.). Metaphysics Research Lab, Stanford University. Retrieved 29 March 2023.
  • Levine, Philippa (1 March 2017). "Naked Natives and Noble Savages: The Cultural Work of Nakedness in Imperial Britain". In Crosbie, Barry; Hampton, Mark (eds.). The Cultural Construction of the British World. Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-1-78499-691-8.
  • McGrath, Ann (1 January 2015). "Naked Shame: Nation, Science and Indigenous Knowledge in Walter Roth's Interventions into Frontier Sexualities". Naked shame: nation, science and Indigenous knowledge in Walter Roth's interventions into frontier sexualities. Australia, Australia/Oceania: Left Coast Press Inc. ISBN 978-1-59874-228-2.
  • Olesen, Jan (2009). ""Mercyfull Warres agaynst These Naked People": The Discourse of Violence in the Early Americas". Canadian Review of American Studies. 39 (3): 253–272. doi:10.3138/cras.39.3.253. ISSN 0007-7720.
  • Ritchie, Jenny; Skerrett, Mere (2014). Early Childhood Education in Aotearoa New Zealand: History, Pedagogy, and Liberation. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-1-349-48394-5.
  • Salmond, Anne (1991). Two worlds: first meetings between Maori and Europeans, 1642–1772. Auckland: Viking. pp. 275–276.
  • Tallie, T. J. (2016). "Sartorial Settlement: The Mission Field and Transformation in Colonial Natal, 1850-1897". Journal of World History. 27 (3): 389–410. doi:10.1353/jwh.2016.0114. ISSN 1045-6007.
  • Tcherkézoff, Serge (2008). First Contacts in Polynesia. The Samoan Case (1722–1848) Western Misunderstandings about Sexuality and Divinity. ANU Press. ISBN 978-1-921536-01-4.
  • Watson, Irene (2014). "Naked: The coming of the cloth". Aboriginal Peoples, Colonialism and International Law. Routledge.
This article is issued from Wikipedia. The text is licensed under Creative Commons - Attribution - Sharealike. Additional terms may apply for the media files.